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Siphiwe Baleka Recommends Groundbreaking DNA Testing, Lineage Restoration, Repatriation and Self Governing Territories to Illinois' African Descent-Citizens Reparations Commission

To the members of the African Descent-Citizens Reparations Commission,

My name is Siphiwe Baleka and my story is the story of my great, great, great, great, great grandfather Brassa Nchabra, his capture as a boy of eight years from his village of Untche in what is known today as the Republic of Guinea Bissau, his trafficking as a prisoner of the Dum Diversas War across the Atlantic to Charleston, SC where he was sold into slavery in Cary, North Carolina and was subject to state-sanctioned ethnocide - the destruction of his ancestral identity - which continues to this day. His great, great, great, great grandson, my father, Jeremiah Nathaniel Blake graduated from Fisk University in Nashville, TN and was employed by Northern Illinois Gas Company in the late 1960’s. In trying to find housing, he suffered from Chicago’s infamous discrimination and “red-lining”. Ultimately, he moved our family to the all-white Oswego suburb of Boulder Hill where we were just the second black family to live there. The rest of my story, how I became an Illinois state-champion swimmer, a graduate of Yale University and the first African American named to the All-Ivy League Swim Team and attempted to become the first black swimmer on the United States Olympic swim team, has been documented by Sports Illustrated and Fox Sports, which earned a sports Emmy for the most outstanding short documentary, Changing Lanes: The Siphiwe Baleka Story. Since then I have become equally famous or infamous, for my genealogy work and becoming the first in my family after 250 years to return to our ancestral village of Untche. I have now lived in Guinea Bissau for almost four years and am the first to receive citizenship there and have launched the country’s Decade of Return initiative. Early this year, twenty more Afro Descendants followed me and received their citizenship in their ancestral homeland through this program, including Illinois resident Joshua Roberts, thereby beginning the process of reversing and repairing the ethnocide.

The United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3384 (XXX) of 10 November 1975 known as the Declaration on the Use of Scientific and Technological Progress in the Interests of Peace and for the Benefit of Mankind proclaims that all states shall take the necessary measures, including legislative measures, to ensure that the utilization of scientific and technological achievements promotes the fullest realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms and to satisfy the material and spiritual needs for all sectors of the population. 

The 2001 World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance in its resolution, the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action,  acknowledged that people of African descent were victims of slavery, the slave trade and colonialism, and continue to be victims of their consequences. States agreed that slavery and slave trade are a crime against humanity and should always have been so. The advent of genetic testing that allows for the identification of one’s maternal and paternal lineages and, through autosomal genetic testing, current family linkages, is a miracle that allows for the complete reversal and repair of the ethnocide caused by enslavement. UN Resolution 3384 requires that genetic testing now be required reparations for Afro Descendants, defined at a 2002 United Nations Conference for the Rights of Minorities in La Ceiba, Honduras by nineteen (19) countries from North America, South America, Central America, to refer to the people who:

  • Were forcibly disposed of their homeland, Africa;

  • Were transported to the Americas and Slavery Diaspora for the purpose of enslavement;

  • Were subjected to slavery;

  • Were subjected to forced mixed breeding and rape;

  • Have experienced, through force, the loss of mother tongue, culture, and religion;

  • Have experienced racial discrimination due to lost ties from their original identity.

On May 25, 2023, the State of Illinois House of Representatives 103rd General Assembly passed House Resolution No. 292. The resolution calls upon the State to immediately, through its African Descent-Citizens Reparations Commission (ADCRC), provide matrilineal and patrilineal DNA testing through African Ancestry to determine the ancestral lineages and territories of origin of its Black residents so that they can seek citizenship in their ancestral homelands, if so desired. It further calls upon the State to become the first to conduct a repatriation census. 

On April 10, 2024, the State of Illinois House of Representatives 103rd General Assembly passed House Resolution No. 0453 that urges support for the Family Roots Genealogy Pilot Program as it provides African American descendants of enslaved individuals the opportunity to trace their roots back to their ancestral homelands to reconnect to their ancestral heritage and to promote their well-being. 

Both resolutions support the desire expressed by President Abraham Lincoln in the Emancipation Proclamation to establish a voluntary repatriation program for African descendants to return to their African ancestral homelands. 

I must emphasize, however, that it is now possible, theoretically, to completely restore the ancestral lineages and genealogies of Black Illinoisians by combining the African Ancestry matrilineal and patrilineal testing with autosomal testing provided that a comprehensive database of reference populations for each ancestral group is established. Then it is a straightforward process:

  1. Afro Descendant Illinois resident takes the African Ancestry matrilineal and patrilineal testing provided by the State of Illinois per HR 292.

  2. Afro Descendant Illinois resident provides saliva sample to the African Kinship Reunion (TAKIR) provided by the State of Illinois per HR 0453’s Family Roots Genealogy Pilot Program.

  3. TAKIR to assist Afro Descendant Illinois residents, through Decade of Return/Family Reunion Events, to visit the country of their maternal or paternal ancestor and matched village to meet the identified family members.

I say, theoreticalyl, because this has never been done before. However, we are close to proving that it can be done. As I stated,  I have identified the village of my 5g grandfather who came from Untche. I have not yet identified if I am related to anyone in the village. This can easily be done, however, by testing members of the Balanta people in Untche through TAKIR/Family Roots Genealogy Pilot Program and adding them to the database of reference populations and then testing me to find a match. If successful, we will have proven that the simple process does indeed work. This goes beyond the current Family Roots Genealogy Pilot Program because it identifies the direct maternal and paternal ancestor that was trafficked as opposed to a remote ancestor which does not necessarily restore one’s unbroken direct ancestral lineage transmitted from mothers to daughters and fathers to sons. 

The next step would then be to systematically test male and female heads of Balanta families in the thirty-nine sectors in the nine regions of Guinea Bissau and add them to the database and then test the ten Illinois members of the Balanta B’urassay History and Genealogy Society in America (BBHAGSIA), including reparations champions Kamm Howard and Robin Rue Simmons, and match them against the Balanta database. If actual Balanta family members in Guinea Bissau are identified, then the State of Illinois will have provided the most profound reparations and given to the world a process for reparative justice for what is arguably, the greatest crime against humanity. Those Illinoisians of Balanta origin could then apply for citizenship to Guinea Bissau through the Decade of Return initiative and this could be the model for lineage restoration used throughout the United States and Africa.

It should be noted that the New Afrikan Diplomatic and Civil Service Corps’ study, entitled Initial Plebiscite Survey Early Analysis, was recently released. Three hundred Afro Descendants participated from thirty-seven states with some of them living outside of the United States. Ages ranged from 16 to 85 with the average age being 51.2 with 52% males and 46% females from all demographic and political categories. Nineteen Afro Descendants living in Illinois completed the survey. Overall, questions 9 through 14 show that the majority of Descendants of Africans Enslaved in the United States still suffer ethnocide - the destruction of their natural ancestral identities (since they cannot identify who and where they come from in Africa) and proves that the original harm committed by colonial and state sanctioned ethnocide laws and policies still continue today unremedied. The study further showed that 75% of the respondents would take the African Ancestry DNA test if provided free of charge as a form of reparations. 

Thus, ancestral lineage restoration needs to be among the highest priorities of the reparations movement. In Pan-Africanism and Nationality Rights For the Diaspora: A Contemporary  Perspective,  in Pan-Africanism, African Nationalism: Strengthening the Unity of Africa and its Diaspora  edited by B.F. Banke & K. Mchombu,  A. Bernard puts it this way:

“The Pan-Africanist Law of Return: Quintessential Reparations

At a very basic level, if reparation is to repair the wrongs committed against African peoples through slavery and its apprentices, colonization and imperialism, the first wrong committed was taking millions of peoples from their homeland. Those taken from Africa lost, among other things, their citizenship and this is the first thing that needs to be given back. It is morally and philosophically the first step in the journey of a thousand miles that needs to be undertaken if Africa and African peoples are to move forward in a forceful, positive and determined manner in the 21st Century.”

President Lincoln’s vision for justice at Emancipation was not limited to voluntary repatriation, however, but included autonomous self-governing colonies. General Sherman’s Special Field Order Number 15, dated 16 January 1865 provided for the newly emancipated freedmen with the self-governing colony on the South Carolina islands from Charleston south, the abandoned rice fields along the rivers for 30 miles back from the seas and the country bordering St. Johns River, Florida. Similar centers of the “New African nation” under New African Governments were established in Mississippi. Captain John Eaton, named Superintendent of Negro Affairs by General Ulysses Grant in 1862, had, by July 1864, settled 72,500 members of the new class “in cities on plantations and in freedman’s villages,” almost all of whom, Superintendent Eaton reported, were “entirely self-supporting.” Davis Bend, Mississippi was occupied by the Union Army in December 1864. Here a New African government was established with all the property under its control and with districts under New African sheriffs and judges and other officers. 

I call to your attention this history so that this Commission will have a historical basis for recommending that Illinois Congressmen introduce a bill in Congress to designate the Underground Railroad locations in Illinois as a National Heritage Area (NHA) for the Afro Descendants. This is what was done for the Gullah Geechee in South Carolina, which is the only one of the fifty-five NHA’s that has been granted to Afro Descendants. 

Finally, I encourage this Commission to recommend that the state of Illinois set aside territory for the Afro Descendants of Illinois to establish self-governing territories similar to the 326 Indian land areas in the U.S. administered as federal Indian territories with a view to their seeking complete decolonization and independence, as the other colonized African people on the continent of Africa have done, which is their right under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

Members of the Commission,

I trust that I have properly framed reparations and highlighted the opportunity for the state of Illinois to become a world leader in repairing the damage of ethnocide caused by slavery and an example of protecting human rights. Your Resolutions 292 and 0453 provide a solid foundation to achieve this and only remains to be properly funded and implemented. Towards this end, I offer my services as a consultant.

Most respectfully,

Siphiwe Baleka

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EIN Presswire Refuses to Distribute Press Release about Plebiscite for Reparations for Afro Descendants

March 19 - On March 18, the EIN Presswire service refused to distribute the press release (below) entitled “New Study Reveals 90% of African Americans Want A Plebiscite to Determine Reparations” issued by the New Afrikan Diplomatic and Civil Service Corps (NADCSC).

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SPRINGFIELD, MO, UNITED STATES, March 18, 2025 /EINPresswire.com/ -- The New Afrikan Diplomatic and Civil Service Corps has released its Initial Plebiscite Survey Early Analysis.

The study reveals that 90% of the African Americans surveyed would participate in a plebiscite recognized by the United Nations or the African Union that would give each African American of voting age the chance to choose among the four options: (1) return to their ancestral homeland, (2) the creation of a new African nation on American soil, (3) emigration to another country or (4) United States citizenship.

Siphiwe Baleka, the Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika, stated, “The plebiscite is what should have happened at the time of the Emancipation Proclamation and is the legal procedural step required now to determine reparations.”

The survey showed that 47% of the respondents desired the creation of a new African nation on American soil, and 28% want to return to their ancestral homelands in Africa while only 21% wish to remain American citizens.

“The survey is still in its initial stages and we know the results can differ drastically once we hit ten thousand respondents from all sectors of the black population in the United States, but the results thus far are quite revealing,” said Minister Baleka.

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About the New Afrikan Diplomatic and Civil Service Corps

The New Afrikan Diplomatic and Civil Service Corps (NADCSC) is a private group that provides consulting and diplomatic service to the nation of New Afrikan people in the United States in their exercise of self determination in pursuit of freedom, independence and justice. It has issued a CALL FOR THE FIRST NEW AFRIKAN & AFRO DESCENDANT PLEBISCITE CONGRESS IN THE UNITED STATES which would establish an objective, qualified national body constituted to take responsibility for conducting the plebiscite that would determine the framework for reparations in the United States

For more information, see https://www.nadcsc.org/become-a-new-afrikan-diplomat

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The NADCSC press released was purchased on March 14 for distribution on March 18 at 9:00 am EST. EIN Presswire then initiated a review process. EIN’s Content Moderation Team then informed the NADCSC Coordinator that the NADCSC address on the website needed to match the account information it provided to EIN in order for the release to be approved. This was resolved when NADCSC’s address was added to the website: Entrada di Jericho, Bissau, Guinea Bissau - 00000”.

The NADCSC Coordinator then received another message stating, again, that said “Client Account Details: Ensure that the contact information on your account matches what is present on your company’s website, such as on the Contact Page, in the footer, or in the Terms & Conditions.” Since that had already been completed, the NADCSC Coordinator used EIN’s contact form to explain that Guinea Bissau does not have street addresses nor a postal system and that is why it does not have streat address or a postal code.

On March 17, the NADCSC Coordinator was informed that EIN Presswire had decided not to distribute the NADCSC press release. At 3:07 pm EST, the NADCSC Coordinator called EIN Presswire and explained the situation. The same day the NADCSC Coordinator re-submitted the press release using a United States address. Nevertheless, EIN Presswire still refused to distribute the press release.

This promoted the NADCSC Coordinator to call EIN Presswire again on the 18th at 4:48 pm EST. A customer service agent looking in to the matter stated that EIN “has a review process for political content” but was not able to give any details about the process. [emphasis added]

Anyone interested in the NADCSC Initial Plebiscite Survey Early Analysis should contact

Siphiwe Baleka
New Afrikan Diplomatic and Civil Service Corps at coordinator@nadcsc.org

Embedded in the press release was the following video:

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WHERE TO HOST A PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS? THE WAY FORWARD

WHERE TO HOST A PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS?

On Tuesday, March 18, 2025 I conducted a poll in six (6) WhatsApp groups on the following question:

Where is the best location to hold a Pan African Congress?/ Quel est le meilleur endroit pour organiser un Congrès panafricain ?/ ¿Cuál es el mejor lugar para celebrar un Congreso Panafricano?

Here are the results:

Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso: 25

Accra, Ghana: 11

Other: 7

Kampala, Uganda: 4

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: 3

Bamako, Mali: 3

Kinshasa, DRC: 3

Harare, Zimbabwe: 2

Lomé, Togo: 1

Dakar, Senegal: 1

The poll was conducted in response to the message “Convening the UBUNTU Pan African Congress to Re-anchor and Recenter the Pan African Movement Worldwide” posted in the Pan African Federalist Movement’s Google group. The author of that message, Joomaay Faye, stated,  

"The geopolitical context of today does not allow those of us Africans who can understand what is today at stake for our people, to continue to Sit Down and watch opportunists Take the Pan African Movement in HOSTAGE!  For this Reason Let's ALL call for the Convening of the UBUNTU PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS (U-PAC) which will do everything humanly possible to Regroup All the Organizations of BLACK PEOPLE around the World to rekindle our Movement." [emphasis added]

Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso is the overwhelmingly most popular place desired to host a Pan African Congress that would make it possible to regroup all the Organizations of Black People around the world to rekindle our movement. This sentiment has already been express in many ways by the massive support expressed for President Ibrahim Traoré that is documented on Youtube and epitomized by this petition:

The petition, launched by Tseke Nchabeleng stated, 

 “The existing divided leadership in Africa has led to disparities in growth, development, and equality across the continent. This petition aims to dissolve the colonial borders and bring together the diverse nations of Africa under collective leadership for a more united, robust Africa. We propose Ibrahim Traoré, the current president of Burkina Faso, to be the unified President of Africa. With a solid track record, his leadership would ensure equitable development, a single currency, and a unified national flag representing all African nations. Out of 1733 individuals who signed the preceding petition, a significant majority supports a borderless Africa led by one leader. Now is the time to heighten our efforts. Unity is strength; together, we can build a stronger Africa. Let's unite Africa under one leader, one currency, and one flag. Please sign this petition to show your support for a united Africa under the leadership of Ibrahim Traoré.” [emphasis added]

This is a legitimate expression of the will of some people. It is similar to the discussion I introduced in my concept note that I submitted on May 3, 2024 as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika to KARAMOKO JEAN MARIE Traoré, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, REGIONAL COOPERATION AND BURKINA FASO CITIZENS ABROAD through Mr. Hermann Toé, Special Advisor of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Section 1 of that concept note concerned POSITIONING BURKINA FASO TO BE CHAMPIONS OF THE GLOBAL AFRIKAN REPARATORY JUSTICE MOVEMENT and specifically asked Burkina Faso to follow Ethiopia, Ghana, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau in launching a Decade of Return Initiative and granting citizenship to the African Diaspora under a “Right of Return”. This has been achieved with the recent announcement that citizenship to Burkina Faso is now available to Afro Descendants. Section 2 of the concept concerned POSITIONING BURKINA FASO TO BE CHAMPIONS OF THE PAN AFRIKAN MOVEMENT and specifically raised the prospect of “Support for the 9th Pan African Congress”. 

It is still my opinion that if the government of Burkina Faso, in addition to its Diaspora citizenship policy, submits the request for the ICJ Advisory opinion, it will catapult Burkina Faso into the forefront of the Reparations movement from the side of African states. Burkina Faso will attract the same respect and popularity that South Africa did when it went to the ICJ on behalf of the Palestinians. This will garner Burkina Faso even more global African admiration, especially in the Diaspora and will provide them the narrative that anything the west does to them is in retaliation for standing up for justice for African people, solidifying even more Burkina Faso’s Pan African legitimacy. In turn, the Diaspora and Pan Africanists will commit to promoting tourism and investment in Burkina Faso as a priority. and make Ougadougu the location of conferences, conventions and Pan African Congresses for the next two Decades. The idea is to make Burkina Faso the Ghana of the 1960’s minus the CIA infiltration.

Now, let us consider the following:

  1. Out of the Pan African Movement and its Congresses was established the Organization of African Unity (OAU) which is now the African Union (AU).

  2. The OAU transformed into the AU in 2003 to have a bottom-up "people-centered Africa". It then invited the African Diaspora to become a full part of the AU as its 6th Region.

  3. A Memorandum of Understanding Between the African Union Commission and the Pan African Movement was signed  in Kampala, on May 22nd, 2015 by H.E. Dr. Aisha L. Abdullahi of the AU Commission for Political Affairs and Gen Kahinda Otafiire, Chairman of the International Committee of the Global Pan African Movement (GPAM) - of which President Yoweri Museveni is the Patron. That memorandum states that they must work together in organizing any Pan African Congresses but has since expired.

  4. In July of 2022, the African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI) under H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao, former AU Ambassador to the United States, solicited for delegates to attend what was originally announced as the African Diaspora Pan African Congress and later as the “9th Pan African Congress” to be held in Harare, Zimbabwe from 14-19, 2022 hosted by the Government of Zimbabwe. Its announced  purpose was to “primarily focus on the formalization of the 6th Region” and Siphiwe Baleka was appointed its Coordinator. Subsequently, Siphiwe Baleka drafted the DECLARATION FOR THE HARMONIZING OF THE PAN AFRICAN CONGRESSES AND THE EFFORTS TO ESTABLISH THE AFRICAN DIASPORA AS THE 6TH REGION OF THE AFRICAN UNION

  5. On July 25, 2023 H.E. Ambassador Quao traveled to Kampala and presented the plan/declaration to President Yoweri Musevni (host of Kampala PAC8.1) who agreed  to call both President Emmerson Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe (host of Harare PAC8.2) and President Faure Ayedemen of Togo (host of Lomé PAC9) as well as to host and sponsor a pre-summit meeting of 150-200 leaders of African Diaspora from around the world to come to Uganda to discuss the way forward under the umbrella of the Pan African Secretariat which was housed in Uganda at the time. All three PACs were canceled in 2024 which prompted the  Conference on the State of the Pan Africanist Movement Today  held on October 5, 2024

  6. Finally, according to Joomaay Faye, “After taking knowledge of a meeting I had with President Yoweri Museveni in September (2024), the Benefactor of the Uganda Based Faction of the Pan African Movement and in which President Museveni was ready to Pass this baton to President Diomaye Faye of Senegal, the Head of the Uganda Faction RUSHED to nominate New People in their so called Secretariat and decided to Select Kinshasa as the Site of the Next Congress (a French Speaking country to Counter Dakar Senegal). First they Said it will be in June and now they pushed it to November knowing full well that with the War the RDC is engaged in, NO SERIOUS Pan African Congress can be held there . . . .”

Towards this end, there is a propitious moment right now to make considerable advances towards Ubuntu unity. There is already a movement underway to unify the legacy diaspora organizations prompted by the African Union 6th Region concept and inclusion in the AU Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) resulting in a growing coalition that will soon be governed by a treaty. There is also a movement underway to unite the divided Pan African movement. Again, the  Conference on the State of the Pan Africanist Movement Today was held on October 5, 2024 and bolstered now by Joomaay Faye’s call for a U-PAC. 

So here is a way forward to make an UBUNTU Pan African Congress a reality by the end of 2026. 

THE WAY FORWARD TO AN UBUNTU PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS

  1. Poll the PEOPLE first to find out where THEY want to have the UPAC held. That’s the purpose of the form below that we ask everyone to complete. If thousands of people participate and submit the form below and Burkina Faso continue to be the overwhelming favorite, then:

  2. We submit the PEOPLE’s request to H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori Quao to bring to the attention of President Traoré to solicit if he is willing to host such a U-PAC. If he is willing to discuss it, then:

  3. We ask H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori Quao to ask President Yoweri Museveni, the Patron of the Global Pan African Movement (GPAM)  to “pass the baton” to President Traoré. This is especially urgent since it was announced this morning on Ugandant TV that President Museveni is plannin a visit to President Traore. [See 11:26 mark of this video] If President Traore is willing, then:

  4. We form a U-PAC Committee to merge with the GPAM’s PAC Organizing Committee that  will solicit President Traoré to become the Patron of the U-PAC. If he accepts, then

  5. The 8th PAC now scheduled for November 2025 in Kinshasa transforms and becomes the consensus U-PAC  to be held in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso at the end of 2026.

TO MAKE THIS A REALITY, TAKE THE TIME TO COMPLETE THE FOLLOWING FORM:

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REVISITING THE CONFERENCE ON THE PAN-AFRICANIST MOVEMENT IN AFRICA TODAY: SIPHIWE BALEKA DISCUSSES THE DIVISIONS IN THE MOVEMENT

CONFERENCE ON THE PAN-AFRICANIST MOVEMENT IN AFRICA TODAY

 

Moderator and Translator : Lazare KI-ZERBO

Reporter : Loudbery PLANCHER

 

SYANSKILTI Institute-One Afrika Group- Daiana | via Zoom | October 5, 2024

 

Participants :
Lazare Ki-Zerbo | Aminata Dramane Traoré | Lagoke Gnaka | Aziz Fall | Felipe M. Noguera | Siphiwe Baleka | Loudbery Plancher | Diakité, Cory Young | Mbayu , Abuy Nfubea | Prophet Anyanwu | Ondo Ongono | Rutte Andrade | Yacouba Dabo | Diop Fodé Seck | Nabakwe Ruth | Cyprien Biaou | Uh ura Queen | Raymond Ayivi | Rutte Andrade | Augusta Epanya | Diomaye Faye

Introduction

The State of Pan-Africanism conference, organized in collaboration with the SYANSKILTI Institute, One Afrika Group, and Daiana , brought together intellectuals, activists, and professionals from diverse backgrounds to examine current issues facing the Pan-Africanist movement. In an era where challenges to African sovereignty and solidarity among peoples are increasingly pressing, this event aimed to provide a platform for discussion, analysis, and reflection for a stronger and more inclusive Pan-Africanism.

The meeting opened with a tribute to leading figures of Pan-Africanism, including:

  • Doumbi Fakoly Doumbia (1944-2024) : This prolific writer, born in Mali, leaves a legacy of more than forty works spanning essays, historical narratives, novels, and children's literature. His writings have contributed greatly to enriching and promoting African culture and Pan-African ideology.

  • Ikaweba Bunting : Director of the Unity Department of the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation in Tanzania and Coordinator of the National Working Group for the development of the National Action Plan in relation to UN Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, Ikaweba Bunting is also Secretary-General of the worldwide Pan-African Movement. He conducted the last interview of Julius Nyerere, Tanzania's first president, before his death in 1999.

 

Justification for the Organization of this Meeting

The reasons for addressing the question of the state of Pan-Africanism are multiple and crystallize around the following issues:

1. Conflicts and the Quest for Sovereignty in Africa: Persistent wars, particularly in Sudan, the DRC, and the Sahel, and the renewed quest for sovereignty in African states illustrate the urgency of strengthening Pan-Africanist ideals. These humanitarian and political crises serve as a reminder of the importance of African unity and solidarity among nations.

2. Historic Anniversaries and Commemorative Events: This year marks several key anniversaries for Pan-Africanism, including the 20th anniversary of the Conference of Intellectuals from Africa and the Diaspora, held in Dakar in 2004, the 50th anniversary of the Pan-African Congress in Dar es Salaam , and the 30th anniversary of the Pan-African Congress in Kampala. In addition, the United Nations Decade of Afro-descendants (2015-2024) is coming to an end, an important opportunity to recall achievements and renew Pan-Africanist commitments.

3. Current Mobilizations and the Role of Pan-Africanist Summits: Continuing this tradition, several Pan-Africanist events are being announced, notably in Madrid, Dakar, and Lomé, highlighting the importance of such gatherings in strengthening alliances, fostering the exchange of ideas, and structuring a collective African mobilization. These events serve as platforms to celebrate, share, and strengthen Pan-Africanist actions.

Presentation of the SYANSKILTI Institute

The SYANSKILTI Institute (ISK) is a non-profit organization, initiated on August 23, 2017, in Haiti and officially established on October 26, 2023. Its headquarters are in Canada and its members are located throughout the world: the Caribbean, Latin America, North America, Africa, and Europe. The organization includes founding members, honorary members, and associate members. It is dedicated to scientific and cultural activities, with an emphasis on research.

The Institute is dedicated to promoting science and ancestral knowledge. With a mission to promote the sciences and cultural contributions of all civilizations, the institute seeks to establish an inclusive paradigm that moves away from Eurocentric models. In collaboration with its partners, the SYANSKILTI Institute contributes to a pan-Africanist vision in which science, culture, and collective memory play a fundamental role in the transformation of our societies.

 

 

Context of the interventions :

The moderator recalled some useful facts about the Pan-Africanist movement in Africa today. He highlighted:

  • The permanence of structural challenges : He stressed that historical struggles, such as the aspiration for unity and African liberation, are still relevant today.

  • Intergenerational dynamics and the role of youth : African youth, galvanized by social media, play a crucial role in this mobilization. However, virtual engagement must be supported by concrete actions and structured organization.

  • State support and the impact of Pan-Africanist organizations : The Alliance of Sahel States is a contemporary example of coordinated Pan-African action. Lazare Ki-Zerbo also discussed the recent protests in Lomé and the political constraints they face, such as the incident involving MP Guy Marius Sagna.

Each speaker was then invited to present their perspective in 15 minutes and share the experiences and objectives of their respective organizations. The objective of this exchange was to pool energies, share visions, and inspire new Pan-Africanist initiatives. The meeting highlighted the need to maintain the current momentum and continue building a strong, resilient, and inclusive Pan-Africanist movement.

 

Preliminary Summary of the Speakers’ Presentations :

Participants expressed their concerns and aspirations, emphasizing the importance of Pan-Africanism in building a collective identity and the struggle for the emancipation of African peoples. The discussion also highlighted the interconnectedness of individual histories and challenges, establishing an inspiring thread for the future of the movement. The presentations featured inspiring speeches from young leaders, who emphasized the need to transcend barriers to create opportunities for future generations.

The remainder of this report will provide a detailed summary of the interventions and themes discussed during this meeting, highlighting the key ideas and perspectives for action identified by the participants.

 

Lagoke Intervention Gnaka

Hello everyone, thank you Lazare.

I am Lagoke Gnaka , originally from Ivory Coast, and I spent more than twenty years in the United States. My life is dedicated to Pan-Africanism: I completed a doctorate at Howard University in public policy and African development, with a thesis focusing on regional economic integration, and aiming for a genuinely Pan-African development theory.

I am here to talk about Pan-Africanism and share my position on the debates I attended. Lazare set up a discussion group, particularly around the announcement of the postponement of the 9th Pan-African Congress, initiated by Togo, where I chair the scientific committee, under the direction of Robert Dussey , Togo's Minister of Foreign Affairs. Some were delighted with this postponement, believing that Togo did not have the legitimacy to organize this congress. Although I am not in the habit of wasting time in online discussions , I agreed to be here to debate. Those who know me know that I have never been a coward: I was one of the student leaders in the struggle for multiparty politics in Côte d'Ivoire, joining the independent newspaper "Le Nouvel Horizon." My career has always been marked by a struggle for democratization and the promotion of Pan-Africanism.

During the Ivorian crisis, I was among the few to actively defend my country's sovereignty, denouncing the neocolonialist intervention supported by figures like Horace Campbell. Faced with this kind of betrayal of Pan-Africanist principles, I wrote my first book, centered on Laurent Gbagbo's trial at the International Criminal Court, presenting it as a Pan-African victory for freedom.

When Lazare presented the motivations for this debate, he omitted to mention the "Decade for Peoples of African Descent" initiative, proposed by Togo to the UN and adopted by the African Union. This omission illustrates a recurring problem in Pan-Africanist circles, where official initiatives are often overlooked. The African Union, born out of Pan-Africanist debates, is a logical continuation of the visions of leaders like Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere, culminating in the creation of the Organization of African Unity in 1963.

Continental initiatives such as Agenda 2063 and the 1980 Lagos Plan of Action also align with this pan-African agenda. Recently, Ghana even initiated a dialogue on reparations, bringing together intellectuals and leaders from the African Union, CARICOM, and Afro-descendant communities.

Regarding the proposed 9th Pan-African Congress, some reject Togo's involvement due to its political situation. However, we cannot afford to judge too hastily; it is important to seize this opportunity to move forward together. Modern Pan-Africanism must not be limited to social media and fiery speeches: it also encompasses the initiatives of current leaders. It is by analyzing all perspectives that my colleagues and I have decided to support this Togolese project.

The Pan-Africanist struggle is complex and includes both institutional and grassroots dimensions. Pre-congress meetings were held in South Africa, Mali, and Brazil, each addressing various themes related to Pan-Africanism, such as restitution, reparations, and climate justice. In West Africa, a pre-congress was held in Mali, led by Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop, and attended by numerous Pan-African representatives.

The choice of Togo for the congress does not erase legitimate criticism or the country's historical realities. However, it is crucial to seize this opportunity to contribute to Pan-African progress. We must overcome divisions and capitalize on shared efforts to promote a collective vision, particularly one based on the Ubuntu philosophy, which anchors our Pan-African vision in the 21st century, beyond past models of scientific socialism. We thus proposed a modern Pan-African vision at the pre-congresses in South Africa, Mali, and Brazil, focused on unity and the Ubuntu philosophy.

THANKS.

Moderator's reaction: Lazare Ki-Zerbo

Thank you, Gnaka . Well, I think culture is what remains when you've forgotten everything. So, if that's the case, I must be full of culture! What I take away from your intervention is that it is essential, in the Pan-African landscape, to take into account states and continental organizations. This means that the African Union is a central actor in the Pan-Africanist movement, as are states and regional communities such as ECOWAS, SADEC, among others.

This is an essential point to emphasize. Now, there are certain points regarding Campbell that deserve clarification, even if he is not here to defend us. Perhaps this relates to the issue of inclusivity, but overall, the important thing here is to note the presence of state and institutional actors in this movement.

Without further ado, I will give the floor to Siphiwe Baleka , who was willing to participate in the Lomé Congress. He will introduce himself and also share his position on the approach you have developed.

 

 

Siphiwe 's intervention Baleka

Greetings to all participants. Reflecting on the wisdom of our ancestors, I am inspired to speak here about unity and the challenges facing our movement. With a deep connection to my heritage, I wish to address the role of African diaspora organizations and their involvement in Pan-Africanism.

My background is essential to understanding my perspective. My great-grandfather was kidnapped in Guinea-Bissau during the slavery era, and after eight generations in America, I was born and raised in an all-white neighborhood. I experienced an identity crisis, wondering why I had a Spanish first name, a Muslim name, and an English last name, all disconnected from my African roots. This inner conflict brought me closer to Black nationalism and Pan-Africanism. I joined the Rastafari movement, which advocates Pan-African culture.

In 2003, I was in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, when the African Union amended its constitution to include the African diaspora as Africa's "sixth region." I became the first Director of the AU's Sixth Region Education Campaign, tasked with mobilizing African diaspora communities around this initiative. I traveled across the Western Hemisphere to connect with Pan-African organizations, working alongside Dr. David Horn of the Pan-African Organizing Committee in California, with the goal of uniting the diaspora.

However, these experiences were disappointing. Many Black and Pan-African groups, although advocating unity, were unable to work together due to historical conflicts and personal differences. This division had a profound impact on me. I realized that although they advocated unity, they were unable to put it into practice, and this contradiction was discouraging.

These experiences in 2003 influenced my current work in 2024. Recently, I learned about the organization of the Pan-African Congress from Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao , who advocates for the establishment of the sixth AU region with equal status with other regions in Africa. I was appointed Coordinator for what was known as the first Eastern Pan-African Congress. At that time, I became aware of three separate Pan-African Congresses with similar agendas: one organized by Ambassador Arikana , another led by the Global Pan-African Movement (GPAM) in Uganda, and a third planned for Lomé, Togo.

This situation raises a crucial question for the Pan-African movement. If the three congresses succeed independently, we risk further dividing the Pan-African community. Different groups will follow the leadership of each event, fragmenting our efforts instead of unifying them. My father once told me that there are two types of people: those who talk about problems and those who solve them. I want to be among those who find solutions.

With this in mind, I propose an initiative to harmonize these congresses around a common agenda, particularly to establish the sixth AU region. I believe that if we, the organizers of these congresses, collaborate, we can move forward with a unified pan-African vision. Unfortunately, the postponement of Ambassador Arikana 's congress and that of the GPAM congress leaves the Togo summit as the last remaining event. We must therefore decide whether to support the Togo congress or boycott it, at the risk of creating further divisions within our movement.

My current efforts are geared toward inclusivity, working with my comrade Gnaka to integrate as many voices as possible into the Pan-African movement. Thank you for allowing me to share my thoughts. Let us consider unity not just as an idea, but as a practice that strengthens our shared mission.

THANKS.

 

Intervention by Aziz Fall :

Thank you very much. I heard the previous presentations very well. It's a shame that some speakers are not here, but I salute all the participants and pay tribute to our recently deceased comrade Doumbi. Fakoly who joined our ancestors. I would also like to highlight the return of the Chagos Archipelago to Mauritius. Although struggles persist, particularly with the military occupation and the ban on the population returning to Diego Garcia, this act is a step forward.

I know most of the participants here, with the exception of a few. I am a member of the Research and Initiative Group for the Liberation of Africa, which celebrates its 40th anniversary this week. I was Secretary General of PAFEM, a position I left due to leadership and internal disputes. These disputes, I believe, are symptomatic of what I call the "childhood illnesses" of our movement, but I am confident that we can overcome them.

Pan-Africanism as an ideology goes far beyond its modern form. As Africans faced challenges to their value systems, whether Judeo-Christian or Muslim, they constantly resisted and fought to preserve their African identity. During periods of capture, deportation, and slavery, diverse visions and philosophies emerged to address oppression. This resilience fueled Pan-African ideology, which has taken different expressions throughout the ages, from colonization to current colonialism .

Today, the divergences and dispersion of ideological paths are visible; some collaborate, others accommodate the effects of globalization, while others firmly resist. These divergences are sometimes so profound that it becomes difficult to come together around a table, even if everyone aspires to a common African ideal. This fragmentation is exacerbated by linguistic and geographical divisions, between sub-Saharan Africa and the Maghreb, for example, as well as by political legacies. Pan-African schools of thought are diverse: some favor an approach of frontal resistance, while others follow an institutional vision close to the Western model.

We must recognize the reality of the divisions within our movement and understand that imperialism exploits these divisions to continue its work in Africa. In this regard, the Libyan episode is revealing: after the fall of Gaddafi, Africa plunged into geopolitical chaos, with the proliferation of armed groups supported by foreign powers. This led to the armed forces of Sahel countries seizing power, as they are the ones bearing the brunt of these conflicts.

Faced with these challenges, we must reflect on our own social project. What type of development do we want for Africa? We have Ubuntu culture and traditional African values to guide our thinking. However, Africans have often lost their sense of their own Africanness, ignoring traditional political regulatory systems that limited the power of leaders.

We need to organize ourselves more aggressively and seriously consider international power relations. The key question remains: how can we build a self-centered and sustainable development for Africa that retains our young talent and preserves our resources?

Unity with the diaspora is also crucial. Let us take an example from Haiti, which has led the way in the struggle for liberation. We should be the ones who support this nation in its quest for emancipation.

In summary, while our creativity and drive for progress are undeniable, we must transcend personal and ideological divisions to forge a strong Pan-African unity. Pan-Africanism is perceived as a threat by foreign powers, because if we succeed in organizing ourselves, imperialism in Africa will be seriously challenged. Our generation, which has lived through the disillusionment of post-independence, bears an immense responsibility. We must act now, so that future generations will see a free, sovereign, and prosperous Africa."

THANKS.

Moderator's Summary :

"The three presentations we just heard converge on certain points. There is this recurring theme of ' Ubuntu ,' which is valuable. Spirituality? That is the foundation, the core. The principle of ' I am because we are, and since we are, I am ' – that is African mutualism, an emphasis on the spirit of mutual support.

So it's about promoting this spirit of unity to overcome the divisions that naturally arise from linguistic and class differences. I think the diaspora, which is like a " sixth region ," seems almost more attached to this spirit. On the continent, the contradictions are perhaps more pronounced. In conflict zones, such as the Sahel, it is certainly difficult to preserve this spirit when the very survival of the state is at stake. But all three interventions converge on this idea that we must find common ground, create coalitions, and form alliances, which is essential for the Pan-Africanist movement.

It's worth noting that we don't have all the components here, as other organizations are, of course, many and varied. This was, in a way, an analysis of the current state of the Pan-African landscape. Aminata will not be able to join us, so I will now hand over to Felipe.

If any of you have questions, you can ask them in the chat or prepare them now. I also invite everyone to share a few words if necessary, or to ask questions of others."

 

 Intervention - Felipe M. Noguera

Greetings to all my sisters and brothers present here. I will speak slowly so that, even if English is not your first language, you can understand my words. Let us consider the current state of the Pan-Africanist movement by examining three organized events. First, there is a government-planned meeting of the Pan-African Council, for what we call the "Pan-Africans of the Night," to be held in Senegal. Another important event is the postponed second part of the Pan-African Congress, which remains to be rescheduled. Finally, the Fourth International Pan-African Congress, held in Madrid from November 1 to 3, is part of solidarity with the Confederation of Sahel States.

I would like to begin by mentioning the recent death of our brother Ikweba Bunting , Secretary General of the worldwide Pan-African Movement, based in Uganda. He was a close comrade with whom I worked for over 45 years, since shortly after the Sixth Pan-African Congress. Together, we worked tirelessly to build unity, based on principles and popular leadership, in the tradition of figures such as Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, and Muammar Gaddafi.

Ikweba 's passing marks the loss of a voice deeply concerned with recent developments within Pan-Africanism, particularly those following the Eighth Pan-African Congress. In recent years, the movement has seen increasing government involvement. Until the Sixth Congress, the Pan-Africanist movement operated independently, without state interference, primarily in Europe. The historic Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester initiated a wave of decolonization across Africa and the Caribbean. However, ideological divisions emerged, pitting proponents of African unification, led by Nkrumah, against defenders of state sovereignty under the Monroe Doctrine.

At the Sixth Congress in Dar es Salaam in 1974, these tensions intensified, with many African states exerting control over the proceedings. Similarly, at the Seventh Congress in Uganda, state domination raised questions about who had the right to convene such events. The Pan-Africanist movement must remain rooted in the popular struggle of Africans, rather than being dominated by government influence.

Let's turn to the case of Haiti, where the current situation involves foreign intervention led by Kenya. Recently, I attended a forum where I heard a Haitian leader known as "Barbecue," often described as a "gang leader." To my ears, he sounded more like a Pan-Africanist revolutionary than the image often conveyed. This raises a crucial question about legitimacy within the Pan-African movement: Should a government have the right to convene a Pan-African Congress, or does that right belong to the people?

We observe similar contradictions in Ghana, where an eighth Congress was held without representation from grassroots organizations. As a result, the Caribbean delegation rejected this meeting as illegitimate, leading to a "second" eighth Congress. These divisions highlight the ongoing struggle within Pan-Africanism to define legitimacy. Should emerging movements, such as those taking shape in Haiti without state support, be accorded the same legitimacy as historical Pan-Africanist parties that have struggled for decades?

This brings us to an important reflection on who is legitimately representing the African people in the face of state powers. Perhaps these congresses should be organized independently of the African Union or any state structure, as they must, above all, be expressions of Pan-African solidarity emanating from the grassroots. In summary, my view is that unity must be based on principles, struggle, and integrity. Those who work against the interests of the people will inevitably be exposed and rejected. This is how we can achieve true Pan-African victory, sovereignty, and dignity.

THANKS.

Speech by Augusta Epanya : President of the Pan-African Unitary Dynamics

Yes, thank you Lazare, and good morning everyone. What I would like to do, beyond giving an opinion on what has been said, is to present the Pan-African Unity Dynamic and explain our perspective as a movement. The Pan-African Unity Dynamic is an organizing platform for Africans and Afro-descendants that is clearly part of a combative Pan-Africanism , breaking with institutional Pan-Africanisms that ultimately represent or support neocolonial regimes . The key question for us is: what is Pan-Africanism for? For us, Pan-Africanism is about conquering sovereignty , because for most African countries and territories still dominated by imperialism, sovereignty does not exist. Therefore, conquering and defending this sovereignty means standing alongside the people and embodying their interests.

Today, unfortunately, on the continent, if we are the most despised, oppressed, and exploited continent, it is because neocolonial regimes, totally aligned with imperialism, continue to maintain their grip on our countries. These regimes have neither the capacity nor the political will to respond to the needs of our peoples. This is the fundamental rupture between the so-called Pan-Africanism we are told about and our own position. We are clearly at odds with this type of Pan-Africanism; there is a neocolonial bourgeois Pan-Africanism that prolongs the interests of imperialism, and we firmly oppose it. For us, this is absolutely irreconcilable.

Our objectives are to contribute to the conquest and defense of sovereignty and, above all, to build the political unity of Africa . When we speak of the political unity of Africa, this certainly includes Afro-descendants and the territories where our brothers and sisters in Africa are located. It is from this perspective that we operate. In this context, we are organizing a conference from October 24 to 28 in Dakar, focused on combative Pan-Africanism and anti-imperialist internationalism. For us, there is indeed an interaction of the bonds of solidarity that must be built, bridges that must be strengthened between combative Pan-Africanism in the service of the people and anti-imperialist internationalism , which also fights on a global scale against the oppression that imperialism continues to impose on its own peoples and, of course, on the entire African continent and on Afro-descendants.

This is a bit of the perspective we are taking. I sincerely believe that the question today is not which congress we belong to or whether we can bring together all Pan-Africanisms. There are antagonistic Pan-Africanisms, just as there are antagonistic social classes; this is also reflected in the Pan-Africanism we defend. For us, it is very clear that the current regime in Togo cannot embody Pan-Africanism in the sense we understand it. These people have been in power for sixty years. What have they done to meet the needs of our people, especially the youth, who continue to die in the Mediterranean and in the desert sands? It is unacceptable not to meet even the minimal needs of our people and our youth while claiming to build Pan-Africanism.

What have they achieved on a continental scale? Can anyone name a single achievement? I think that Pan-Africanism is not there to look pretty or to be just a topic of academic discussion among intellectuals. Combative Pan-Africanism as we understand it is there to respond very concretely to the needs of our populations, our youth, and when I speak of our people, this of course includes Afro-descendants. So, I am not here to engage in an intellectual debate; that is not our interest. For me, that is not the subject today. We should no longer be at this point.

I believe we have a significant role to play as the Pan-African Unity Dynamic, which brings together more than 25 organizations from the diaspora and the continent . We strive to participate in all struggles and support all struggles. We are in the diaspora, but also on the continent, and we are managing to bring together diverse organizations to work towards developing a project for tomorrow that aligns with what we are fighting for and that responds to the challenges we face on a continental scale, taking into account the needs of our people.

In conclusion, I want to emphasize that we totally reject and break with the Pan-Africanism that seeks to confine us and would have us believe that we can sit at a table together with everyone. Yes, Pan-Africanism is also currently in the Sahel, of course, we have no problem with that. Regarding the Sahel, there are a set of issues on which we are fully aligned. The expulsion of foreign military bases is absolutely essential; it is a minimal act of sovereignty. That said, I believe that nothing can be accomplished in the Sahel countries without the involvement of progressive, revolutionary and democratic forces.

Under no circumstances will things be able to be built sustainably without including all the progressive forces that exist in these regions. Otherwise, the process risks being compromised, to our great misfortune. I therefore want to conclude by saying that we must be convinced of one thing: none of our countries will be able to sustainably build their sovereignty, their freedom, or any system that breaks with the predatory capitalist system that dominates today, if we do not achieve political unity on the continent.

We see that all the processes that have been initiated to liberate ourselves have often failed to fully integrate the pan-African dimension. This neglect has led to obstacles at critical moments. So, truly, comrades, let us never lose sight of this. Even if there are advances at the national level that have been imposed on us, let us never lose sight of the fact that it must be a pan-African process. We will not get out of this in the long term otherwise.

That's what I wanted to say, and thank you anyway, even if we're a bit of a late bloomer in this debate. But thank you for allowing us to express ourselves and share our conception of Pan-Africanism.

THANKS.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

DEBATE

Moderator's Intervention Before the Debate

Okay, we've had about two hours of interventions, and we've heard from everyone except Aminata. So now I'm going to open the floor for discussion. We'll spend about 20 minutes on this, even though we're over time, because it's important that we exchange ideas.

Who would like to speak first among the speakers? And attendees, if you have any questions or comments, please try to keep them brief—about a minute—because we're running out of time.

So, we will give the floor to Gnaka , Siphiwe , Bethina and the others.

 

Then we moved on to the debate on the various interventions:

 

Gnaka 's reaction during the debate

Okay, regarding the program, first of all, Lazare, I want to thank you again for this opportunity. I think it's crucial to have these kinds of conversations because, often, in spaces like these, we have a hard time connecting. So thank you for organizing this, and thank you to all the speakers I've heard so far. My thanks go to Aziz , who gave a remarkable presentation; he's someone I follow and respect a lot. Thank you also to Siphiwe , Felipe , Augusta , and everyone who has spoken.

I wanted to say that, as this debate was short, I didn't want to take up too much time out of respect for others. When the minister appointed me Chair of the Scientific Committee months ago, my first task was to connect with everyone involved. I tried to reach, for example, Ikwa , who has just left, to involve him in this process. I also engaged Branagoro , who is part of the same group working with Open Society, as well as many others, because we believe it is essential to ensure that our initiatives are not isolated.

Aziz's expression about the " dispersion of itineraries " struck me—I wrote it down to remember it. And I would like to say that, if some people feel, as a matter of principle, that they do not want to associate themselves with an initiative organized by Togo and supported by the African Union and by Pan-Africanists who are not motivated by neocolonial interests, that is their choice. Personally, I am one of these Pan-Africanists. My career, my life, my work—everything I have done has been dedicated to the fight against neocolonialism. We believed that Togo offered a valuable opportunity for those who want to move forward.

Anyone familiar with American politics may recall Abraham Lincoln's concept of Team of Rivals . People with divergent visions can come together to serve a common interest. This is how politics and activism work. I think Felipe, as an expert, could correct me if I'm wrong. There is a story where, at one point, even some African-American leaders ( Marcus Mausiah Garvey ) considered aligning themselves with the Ku Klux Klan to facilitate a return to Africa for Black Americans who wanted to. We can have different positions and still find ways to collaborate on shared goals.

I work in agreement with the Pan-African Congress, but I am not the spokesperson for the Togolese government. My role is not to defend the Togolese government here or to justify holding the Congress in Togo. What I want people to understand is that next year, in 2025, the African Union has decided to place the theme of reparations at the heart of the year. I believe that intellectuals are doing important work , and grassroots movements are playing their part, but we cannot ignore the importance of African states in Pan-Africanism .

Let us remember that in 1958, when Kwame Nkrumah organized the Conference of Independent African States, he was already Prime Minister of Ghana. The Ghanaian state facilitated this conference. Personally, I joined this project when it was already called the “ 9th Pan-African Congress .” I told the minister that, had I been involved earlier, I would not have even named it that.

I wish the Pan-African Unity Movement good luck. I also extend my best wishes to Philippe Noguerra and all those gathered in Madrid. I believe that any effort to advance Pan-Africanism deserves our support. If I had been invited and had the opportunity, I would have participated. I know, from what I have heard, that those in the Pan-African Unity Movement are sincere and committed people.

We must find a way to come together to avoid further division. I remember meeting someone in the United States, an evangelical who claimed that God had given her the mission to “ save Africa .” She wrote a book in which she said that Islam is a religion of Satan and that Christians should “ redeem ” Africa. I asked her, “ If your mission is to build unity in Africa, how will you unite with Muslims if you declare Islam a satanic religion ?” I myself do not believe that, and I do not participate in religious debates.

To our friends at the Pan-African Unity Dynamic , I say this: yes, it is possible to criticize Togo for hosting this conference, but we should also recognize that President Faure Gnassingbé made it possible for his country to host this Pan-African congress.

He never claimed to be a Pan-Africanist, to my knowledge, but he did allow the holding of this 9th Pan-African Congress, led by Foreign Minister Robert Dussey . This should be quite clear if one knows how to read between the lines.

History will decide what happens next. I met individuals in the Togolese Foreign Ministry, in South Africa, in Mali, and elsewhere—sincere people, committed intellectuals, activists in Brazil working for Pan-Africanism, all those who contributed. If we focus only on the political history of Togo, we will miss the point.

Finally, thank you. If you have any questions, I will be here to answer them.

The Moderator :

Can you briefly explain to us, in about 45 seconds, your concept of (Team of Rivals ) and talk about Madrid?

Gnaka :

Yes, of course. Thank you, Lazare , and thank you, Philippe . Brothers and sisters of the Pan-African Unity Dynamic , I was saying that President Faure Gnassingbé never claimed to be a Pan-Africanist, but we should recognize that he made it possible for his country to host this Pan-African Congress. The main architect of this event was the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Robert Dussey , inspired by the concept of ( Team of Rivals ). After the Civil War in the USA, Abraham Lincoln brought together people with opposing visions to serve a common goal, an approach based on compromise and a broader vision.

My own work as a Pan-Africanist has always been dedicated to the fight against neocolonialism. When a country like Togo allows a Pan-African Congress to be held, we must see it as a political and historical opportunity .

This is why, as Chair of the Scientific Committee, my priority has been to connect with as many people as possible.

THANKS.

 

The debate continues with the intervention of Diomaye Faye of the MFPA movement with the interactions of the moderator.

 

Intervention by Diomaye Faye from the MFPA

The moderator:

All right, let's move quickly so as not to be too long. I'm going to give the floor to Siphiwe , who is a member of the panel, and then it will be the turn of Diomaye , Bettina, and Yacouba. Is that okay?

Siphiwe , regarding Diomaye Faye , do you have anything to say in response to Augusta and Felipe?

Siphiwe : Yes, I have something to say, but I prefer to listen to Diomaye Faye first.

Moderator: Okay, no problem. Diomaye , you have the floor.

 

Intervention by Diomaye Faye

Hello everyone. First of all, I would like to thank the organizers of this event, which I hope will be the first in a series of similar gatherings. Events like this are essential for discussing Pan-Africanism in its current state. Why is Pan-Africanism in this state ? Why are we seeing this fragmentation within the Pan-African movement, so different from what we observed after the 1945 Congress ?

Time is short, so I'll get to the point. The main reason I wanted to speak was to address Augusta. She's organizing an event in Dakar, which I'll be attending, and she told me that the list of organizations involved is closed. This shocked me. How can anyone close the list of organizations that want to discuss Pan-Africanism? I don't understand that. As a Senegalese, I'll be there as a spectator to see what's being said about Pan-Africanism.

I want to emphasize that there is only one Pan-Africanism . There are not two, nor a thousand; there is only one Pan-Africanism, a sovereign, post-racial movement . As Bob Marley said, until the color of a person's skin means more than the color of their eyes, I will continue to fight as a Pan-Africanist.

This revolutionary aspect of Pan-Africanism is fundamental because Pan-Africanism was born out of the oppression of Black people . By its very nature, Pan-Africanism is revolutionary . It represents Black people and their ongoing struggle for sovereignty—a sovereignty that has been denied them repeatedly throughout history, from colonialism to the post-colonial era.

This debate must continue, and we need a tactical objective to unite us. Every time Pan-Africanists have come together in the past, there has been a unifying tactical objective . For example, after 1945, the objective was independence, civil rights, and later, the end of apartheid. Anyone familiar with the history of Pan-Africanism knows that its unifying struggles have always been struggles for sovereignty.

We are not fighting for governance or the crumbs left by imperialism in Africa. Pan-Africanism is about the rightful ownership of Africa by black Africans.

THANKS.

 

Moderator:

Thank you, Diomaye . It's a pleasure to have you here in the Pan-African Federalist Movement family. I think you'll remember that the Pan-African Unity Movement has always defended this position. In Paris, we had this debate, and the Movement has always maintained its position.

Diomaye :

Yes, absolutely. It's not about compromise. Pan-Africanism is not about compromise, but about remaining true to our principles.

Moderator:

Please, as we gather in Dakar, it is important to note that this is not a question of compromise. The Pan-African Unity Movement has been consistent , especially since the Federalist Movement made contact. The Movement has not changed its position, despite the political situations and the lack of alternatives in African governance . This debate must continue, and we must recognize that we are all here, united in some way.

It is essential that we keep these channels open for communication, even if it is just to express our disagreements.

THANKS.

Speech by Professor Bettina from Saint-Louis, Senegal

Thank you very much, I am truly grateful. I am Professor Bégon Bettina, based in Saint-Louis, Senegal, and I previously taught at Gaston Berger University. I would like to express my gratitude to our brother Diomaye for his efforts in involving me in this event. It is also significant to mention that I am from the Central African Republic, as the voices of my country are rarely heard.

Given the limited time, I would like to address today's topic. I believe we have a tool that has been developed, something we can work from, without ignoring previous congresses that have taken place. This tool, created by our brother Diomaye , talks about Pan-Africanism in the 21st century , a work he introduced to us. I would also like to say that Pan-Africanism is like a foundation, but it should not be seen as a one-size-fits-all solution. That's why, when our sister spoke about " combat Pan-Africanism ," it really resonated with me. Calling it revolutionary is common, but specifying " combat Pan-Africanism " makes it more accurate.

With this in mind, I would like to make some suggestions:

1. First, where we are today, we should work towards building an architecture of the Pan-African state to which we aspire.

2. Second, I believe our weaknesses are fundamentally due to the fact that, economically, we have, in a way, failed; politically, we have been almost entirely deprived of our rights; and militarily, we are as vulnerable as children who can be disciplined at any time. The most recent example is the fall of Gaddafi.

I remember a forum that took place in Dakar in 2005 or 2004. I attended the Defense Commission, where all the African participants talked about was arms procurement. They just talked about arms procurement. I spoke up and said, “ Why are we always talking about arms procurement? Can’t we consider creating these weapons here ourselves ? Even if it takes 100 years, we could eventually make the weapons that are currently being used to destroy us .” Unfortunately, my suggestion was not heard and was not even mentioned in the summary.

To keep things short, I propose that we establish a structure, a framework, of what we mean by a Pan-African state . This can inspire us and give us a vision for achieving this goal. One last point: I believe that the states that are moving towards our aspirations and are already in power should support us in our struggle towards this goal. Neocolonial states are overwhelming and extremely dominant. However, if the states aligned with our aspirations—even if there are only one, two, or three—do not support those of us who aspire to gradually establish such a state. Make them critical so that their voices are heard. Then we risk repeating the same things until the year 3000.

Anyway, thank you all. I've found some real brothers and great, inspiring comrades here, and I hope to have more opportunities like this in the future.

Thank you, and see you next time.

Moderator:

Thank you, Bettina, for your ideas and contribution. I don't know if I can summarize everything, but just to note, Bettina is based in Saint-Louis, Senegal, but is originally from the Central African Republic. He supports the idea of combative Pan-Africanism and emphasizes the need to define the structure of a unified African state.

So, I give the floor to Yacouba.

 

Intervention by Yacouba Dabo

Hello everyone, and thank you Lazare.

My first intervention is to congratulate you on this wonderful conference. Congratulations to you, and thank you to all the organizations fighting for this concept, which is so dear to us.

Next, I want to focus on what we have now, particularly the multiple Pan-African organizations, especially in the diaspora. We see that the term " Pan-Africanism " is in vogue, and there are many organizations. I would just like to remind you, even if you already know this, that we have a wonderful tool at our disposal , which is the AES . This was set up, of course, by military regimes, but I believe it is more than just a germinating idea. It is actually the continuation of the Mali Federation, if I take this example, which goes back to 1959, as you may recall.

For me, all pan-African organizations today should turn to the AES and support it. Why support the AES ? Because, beyond the fact that this initiative was launched by military leaders, if we do not support the AES with our ideas, aspirations and strengths, whether financial or, above all, intellectual within the diaspora, the risk, in my opinion, is that these leaders who initiated this project will find themselves surrounded by people who will not have the same ambitions or objectives as us .

So that's the main point of my presentation, and I would like to congratulate all the participants. Thank you very much.

We continue with the interventions.

Intervention by Loudbery Plancher of the SYANSKILTI Institute

Hello everyone, my name is Loudbery Plancher . I am Haitian, currently living in Canada. I wanted to participate in this discussion. Since there is not much time, I will try to be brief. My intervention focuses mainly on Felipe 's remarks. about the current situation in Haiti, which is indeed complex. It would take me longer to explain everything, but I will do my best to summarize.

In Haiti, we have a figure known as " Barbecue " who holds a revolutionary discourse, but it is important to understand the unhealthy relationship that exists between him and certain oligarchs . These are influential figures in the political and economic elite of Port-au-Prince . Barbecue , who is part of the lumpenproletariat , is manipulated; he is actually a gangster , a former police officer who was dismissed from the national police force for serious misconduct and misconduct. He holds a " revolutionary discourse ," but there are certain corrupt intellectuals in Haiti who support him and shape his message.

To fully understand the situation in Haiti, we need to look at the role of the political and oligarchic classes. The situation is quite complex, and perhaps we could continue discussing it at another time to give a more complete explanation. To grasp the dynamics at play, I would have to go back to the links between the bourgeois families of Port-au-Prince and the working classes . Barbecue lives in the working-class neighborhoods of Delmas ( Delmas 6 ). I have known him personally since I worked for an organization in his neighborhood when I was a student, an organization that works with young people in the working-class neighborhoods in the lower part of Port-au-Prince. He was dismissed from the police for unsavory reasons and now acts under the influence of the rich, corrupt, anti-national and anti-patriotic oligarchs and of (the American embassy in Port-au-Prince) (the agents who are there for the fat rooms of imperialism (USA) . In short, he is a political tool . Although he expresses himself through a " revolutionary discourse ", Barbecue is not, in reality, a revolutionary and he will not be. He is a common bandit, who terrorizes people, the most vulnerable in the population in general, and especially those in the working-class neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince. In addition, there are already several massacres to his credit. Made on this social category, from which he himself comes. He is a thug. A criminal. His place is in a high-security prison. I can cite as an example the massacre of the Bélair neighborhood ( a neighborhood that marked the history of Haitian literature in the 19th century ) and the massacre of the Saline and Cité Soleil , another working-class neighborhood in the city of Port-au-Prince. As you can see, these victims are all from the working class (the exploited, the oppressed) of the corrupt bourgeoisie of Port-au-Prince, which is subject to criminal American imperialism.

Here is an excerpt from a report by the Observatory of Crimes Against Humanity and Harvard Law School. You can also consult other Haitian sources such as: RNDDH, POHDH, which are all human rights organizations that I have worked with and/or collaborated with in the field (in the working-class neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince).

 

1. La Saline : In November 2018, the worst massacre in decades took place in La Saline, a neighborhood that played a leading role in organizing protests against the president. 6 In the weeks leading up to the attack, two senior officials in the Moïse administration, Pierre Richard Duplan and Fednel Monchéry , met with former police officer and gang leader Jimmy Chérizier , aka Barbecue, to plan the attack and provide the resources needed to carry it out. On November 13 and 14, 2018, armed groups led by Jimmy Chérizier brutally attacked the community. For fourteen hours, the attackers systematically removed victims—including children—from their homes and executed them, either by shooting them or beating them with machetes. The victims’ bodies were burned, dismembered, and then piled up. 9 At least 71 people were killed, 11 women were raped, and 150 homes were looted and destroyed. Despite the outrage this attack sparked across Haiti and internationally, President Moïse failed to condemn the role his subordinates played in the massacre or take any steps to advance their prosecution. ( Excerpt from the report of the Observatory of Crimes Against Humanity and Harvard Law School )

2. Bel-Air : In September 2019, as popular protests swelled to the point of paralyzing the entire nation, demonstrators erected burning barricades on main roads in the Bel-Air neighborhood, another opposition stronghold. After several unsuccessful attempts to have these barricades removed, an official in the Moïse administration reportedly hired Jimmy Chérizier to take charge and prevent further protests from taking place in the Bel-Air neighborhood. For three days, from November 4 to 6, 2019, Jimmy Chérizier and allied gang leaders led an attack in Bel-Air. The attackers shot civilians, set fire to homes, and killed at least 24 people. Witnesses identified three plainclothes police officers among the attackers. Although the attack took place in an area surrounded by police stations, the police did not intervene to protect residents, despite numerous calls for help broadcast on the radio and social media (Excerpt from the same report).

3. Cité Soleil : Between May and July 2020, Jimmy Chérizier and allied gang leaders—now operating under the newly formed G9 alliance—coordinated simultaneous attacks in various neighborhoods of Cité Soleil. They killed at least 145 civilians, raped numerous women, and burned homes in an attempt to claim areas previously held by rivals associated with President Moïse's political opponents. Police resources were reportedly used at various times in the attacks. Like La Saline and Bel-Air, Cité Soleil is a recognized opposition stronghold. As many polling stations are located in Cité Soleil, the area is of strategic electoral importance. Residents believe they were targeted because of their political affiliations, with the aim of garnering electoral support for the president and his party (Excerpt from the same report). The PHTK (a right-wing reactionary party, which came to power in 2010 thanks to the United States (Bill and Hillary Clinton imposed Michel Martelly at the head of the country (note added by Loudbery ))

With the SYANSKILTI Institute, we plan to hold a discussion on the situation in Haiti, probably on November 29, 2024, with people like Camille Chalmers (professor and researcher at the State University of Haiti), who is in Haiti, and who will be able to explain the situation in more depth to our Pan-African brothers and sisters. The mission of our institute is to build bridges between Haiti, the African continent, and the Pan-African movement.

Finally, I would like to add one last thing regarding Pan-Africanism: I believe that the Haitian Revolution was a major event that marked the beginning of Pan-Africanism . Pan-Africanism is fundamentally a revolutionary movement because it was born out of a revolution. The Haitian Revolution was, in fact, the starting point of Pan-Africanism. I will stop there for now, but I am open to answer further if necessary.

THANKS.

Moderator's Summary

To briefly summarize, Felipe asked about the revolutionary figure known as "Barbecue" in Haiti. Loudbery clarified that, although Barbecue holds a revolutionary discourse, in reality, he is largely controlled by Haitian oligarchs and upper classes. Coming from the working classes, with a background as a police officer, he is heavily influenced by powerful figures in the political and economic elite. Thus, his supposedly revolutionary message is more of a facade; in essence, he is not a true revolutionary.

The discussion then addressed the inherently revolutionary roots of Pan-Africanism, with its earliest forms emerging from the Haitian Revolution. This revolution was a popular uprising against colonial and slaveholding institutions, laying the foundations for the anti-colonial and anti-slavery movements that followed. This year marks the 220th anniversary of this revolution, highlighting its continuing importance in the Pan-Africanist movement, particularly from the perspective of a left-wing and revolutionary Pan-Africanism.

Afterwards :

We have already highlighted the fault lines between those who are committed to making an effort to overcome opposition—whether friendly or antagonistic—and those who believe that the vocation of Pan-Africanism is to fight injustice and oppression. We should not compromise on this principle; that is clear.

The idea here is to acknowledge this reality. I believe that, despite everything, simply engaging in dialogue can be beneficial. I hope we can soon meet with the DUP comrades in Dakar, since they will be there at the same time.

Now, if you could indicate who still wishes to speak, we can take a few interventions before we conclude.

So, we're going to listen to Raymond.

 

Speech by Raymond Ayivi

Hello everyone. I want to thank the panelists because I learned a lot this afternoon. Lazare teased me that I might not even have attended this conference, even though we often exchange ideas.

It was very interesting to listen to our fellow panelists, including our esteemed elder from Saint-Louis ( Professor Bettina) who just spoke and whom I respect enormously. Yes, we need these spaces to exchange. We won't always agree on everything, but these forums allow us to get clarification.

I would like to quickly raise two small questions. First, regarding the incident in Lomé last week involving our Pan-Africanist comrade from Senegal, who is an ECOWAS MP. Let's imagine that the 9th Congress in Lomé this week is canceled. Some support this congress, others do not. Some may even be harassed or detained by the regime.

It is essential to listen to our brother Gnaka , who said that Faure Gnassingbé , said that he was not a Pan-Africanist; he offers a platform for dialogue. I would like to ask this question: do we know that today there are young Togolese Pan-Africans imprisoned by this regime, passed down from father to son? Does this mean that we, who proclaim our solidarity, should ignore these young people in prison?

We cannot abandon them while sitting at the same table as those who organize these events and give them a platform. I simply wanted to raise this issue. I have noted many points here, but I will not recount them all.

I want to emphasize that I have heard, at other conferences, Pan-Africanists say that we can negotiate our sovereignty and liberation for peace with the imperialist neocolonialists . I don't think we can accept such a mixture of genres.

I would also like to recall the invitation we extended to Brother Gnaka a few years ago, before he became Robert Dussey 's scientific advisor . We appreciate his work. However, we cannot sit at the same table as people who are part of a regime like Togo's, which is now part of a coalition of the Togolese diaspora for democracy and change.

In conclusion, I think we should preserve our space for critical discourse, as others have suggested, and make sure we are clear about our strategies in this struggle. Thank you very much.

 

Rigobert 's intervention Krmissinhoun

Hello everyone, thank you for giving me the floor.

I would like to thank the organizers and the NFPA for this very interesting videoconference. I will quickly address three points.

First, it is essential to understand that the enemies of the African people are not asleep. They too are capable of organizing and creating their own "Pan-Africanists" according to their interests. As such, it is never useless to repeat, as many times as necessary, that there must be a fighting Pan-Africanism. Liberation is not given; it is won. We all know that the independence of the 1960s was a poisoned chalice for our peoples. That was my first point.

The second point concerns the divisions among Pan-Africanists. I believe that, while these divisions are regrettable, they can also be beneficial in a way. If revolutionaries and patriots continue to fight, sooner or later there will be convergence, and our peoples will win, no matter the cost. Divisions will almost always exist, as our adversaries will invent their own "Pan-Africanists" to sow discord and create a diversion.

My final point, which I believe is very important, is to avoid sterile polemics. They serve no purpose and do not advance our cause. I would like to address the issue of collaborating with the Togolese dictator or other similar actors. Where do our duties lie? Are we aligned with the Togolese people, with all African peoples, and their aspirations for justice and freedom?

In this regard, I urge our brothers and sisters to avoid pointless debates, as they are counterproductive. We will not be able to prevent those who choose to collaborate with the enemies of our peoples, but we can continue our struggle alongside our peoples so that one day they may fully achieve their sovereignty.

Thank you.

 

Moderator.

Okay, now over to Siphiwe .

Siphiwe 's Reaction in the Debate

Siphiwe addressed two main topics. The first concerned the situation involving Haiti and " Jimmy Chérizier " , and the second focused on the broader debates that have emerged within the "One Africa " platform regarding the future of the 9th Pan-African Congress.

Yesterday, the platform hosted a session during which Jimmy Chérizier had the opportunity to speak about his own cause. However, some participants who identify as true Pan-Africans reacted quite critically. We have a clear position: any African people willing to take up arms against the imperialist forces invading their lands are on the side of freedom. We use these words with caution ; supporting their right to self-determination does not necessarily mean that these fighters are revolutionaries or Pan-Africans. However, these incidents underscore the courage required to confront the proxy armies of imperialism invading African nations.

We wanted to give Jimmy Chérizier the opportunity to speak directly. He raised important points about the reality of people forced into what might be perceived as gangs, but who are often, in fact, victims themselves. They have been pushed into a life of violence and exploitation, including acts like kidnapping, often because circumstances left them no other option. Jimmy Chérizier explained that he, along with some of his allies, works directly with these individuals to guide them toward a better path.

We asked Jimmy Chérizier if he had received any support from the Pan-African community for military training or any other assistance. He replied that he had received none.

As Pan-Africanists, this response highlights a serious problem: if we want to remain true to our values, we must engage with these people constructively. We should work to guide them toward Pan-Africanism and revolutionary ideals, thus offering them an alternative path. What our brother is doing now represents that effort, and for the rest of us, we should reflect on our commitment to this cause.

The second topic I want to address concerns the divisions within the movement, the different factions, and how this has influenced recent congresses. Let me provide some context: I consider myself a bridge. I am fifty-three years old, which puts me in a unique position. I have a connection to the veterans of the Pan-African movement, people who are twenty years older than me, and on the other hand, I reach out to the younger generation of Pan-Africanists, often twenty years younger. This position allows me to serve as a bridge between these two groups.

We are witnessing intergenerational divisions. The younger generation has certain skills: they are more adept at finance, organizing events, and using the media to promote their version of Pan-Africanism, which is, in some ways, different from the traditional model. In the "One Africa " group, we recently discussed the possibility of postponing the 9th Pan-African Congress. There was disagreement: some argued that, despite possible organizational shortcomings, we should participate in large numbers to assert our Pan-Africanism. Our goal would be to impose our vision of Pan-Africanism in this space.

Others, however, believed that not participating would be the best option, so as not to endorse what we might perceive as being at odds with our values. This difference of opinion created a kind of division within the group. Now that Togo has announced a postponement, this offers us a new opportunity, a moment of strategic reflection.

So, I invite each of us to reflect on this question: What should our strategy be going forward? If we decide to participate and promote unity, we must do so not only to assert ourselves as true Pan-Africanists, but also because it is strategically smart. Our presence would allow us to present our version of Pan-Africanism. Conversely, if we choose to boycott, we must propose an alternative to invite the younger generation of Pan-Africanists to join us, and show them a coherent vision of a congress in line with our shared values.

The postponement of the Congress has opened up a space, an opportunity that we should explore. What will be our strategic response to assert our position and advance the pan-African cause?

THANKS.

 

Siphiwe 's talk

Thank you, Siphiwe touched on three main points in his remarks.

First, regarding the figure of Jimmy Charries, he notes that, with caution, his actions can be considered a quest for freedom, as long as he actively opposes what he describes as imperialist intervention in Haiti. Loudbery mentioned that the Syanskilti Institute will return to this situation on November 29.

Second, Siphiwe highlights the generational divide within the movement. The younger generation has a different approach to advancing Pan-Africanism, one that diverges from that of the older generation. This divide is not necessarily based on ideological differences—it is not necessarily a divide between revolutionaries and reactionaries, but rather a divide along age and class lines, marking a shift within the movement itself.

Finally, Siphiwe suggests that the postponement of the Lomé Congress could provide an opportunity to seek a convergence of struggles for Pan-Africanism. However, he notes that this convergence may not include all Pan-Africanists, as some, such as those aligned with the DUP and perhaps the organizers of the Madrid event, do not necessarily share the same vision of inclusivity within the movement.

I may have left out some details, but that sums up the gist.

 

Moderator : So Felipe do you want to say something very short?

Felipe: Yes . Very short to conclude.

Felipe's Conclusion in the Debate

I agree with what Brother Siphiwe said about " Jimmy Chérizier ." But I am also attentive and listening to the voices of the Haitian people. The brother who spoke, the young brother of the Institute, I believe his name is Loudbery , referred to revolutionary rhetoric, but his practice is different. We want to analyze this practice critically and see who is really fighting against the imperialists. We are against intervention; we are opposed to any action carried out by foreign powers.

CARICOM's position has changed significantly. It was very supportive during the days of Jean Bertrand Aristide, and now they are even discussing sending police from Kenya and Jamaica. This is a critical moment for us, and I believe the Haitian revolution is at stake with what is happening.

Regarding the Pan-African Night Congress and the creation of spaces for reflection, I believe it is important to approach this in a principled manner. The question remains: is the Togolese government organizing a groundbreaking pan-African meeting where unity could emerge? Time will tell whether they will attempt to capitalize on this moment again and what justification they will provide us.

If Togo is not involved, we must look to other nations, such as Senegal, to welcome our unification according to authentic principles, with the help of the masses. That remains to be seen.

I also want to acknowledge and thank Lazare, Loudbery , and all those who are organizing a unique internal forum to bring together diverse opinions in the pursuit of unity. I appreciate the invitation and the opportunity to participate.

Furthermore, we should all support the initiatives of the international Pan-African movement, which will take place from November 1 to 3. If possible, I hope to participate in person, but if not, I hope to join the meeting virtually.

Finally, the governing body of the global Pan-African movement, with a member representing the Caribbean, will meet the day before the late Togolese leader's funeral, which will take place on October 12—a symbolic date celebrated by many as a commemoration of colonialism.

We will navigate the challenges ahead together. Thank you.

 

Moderator 's Summary :

Thank you, thank you. Felipe expressed his appreciation and praised Gnaka 's approach , which he respects, while also questioning whether revolutionary forces could participate in the summit. He noted that there had been prior discussions. Felipe also highlighted the Madrid conference as an important event where virtual participation is possible. He also mentioned that the Pan-Africanist movement will meet on October 12 to pay tribute to Ikaweba. Bunting , the Secretary-General, and that they will review the current situation to see to what extent what has been discussed can be taken into account.

 

Gnaka 's conclusion in the debates on the 9th Congress and on Togo.

In his response, Gnaka expressed his nuanced position on African sovereignty and the need to seize opportunities to defend African interests, despite his disapproval of regimes that oppress their own people. He emphasized the importance of advancing African sovereignty and the collective interests of African peoples, viewing these goals as central to the Pan-Africanist agenda. Reflecting on his approach to the Ivorian crisis, Gnaka acknowledged that some, including friends from the Central African Republic, Côte d'Ivoire, and Congo, had deemed his position risky. His name had sometimes been linked to that of former Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo, whose actions were widely condemned by the international media. Yet, Gnaka maintains that history has since vindicated his approach, as the crisis has brought to the forefront critical issues related to Ivorian sovereignty and rekindled debates over the CFA franc, economic security, and military bases.

He also cited the evolving perspectives of some Pan-Africanists, such as Horace Campbell, who initially supported Alassane Ouattara during the Ivorian conflict, and emphasized that positions can evolve as perspectives on sovereignty issues mature. He asserted that his collaboration with figures like Minister Dussey for the 9th Pan-African Congress should not be seen as a compromise of his commitment to Pan-Africanism, since the congress aims to reform international institutions, a goal aligned with his aspirations for African emancipation.

Gnaka encouraged Togolese opposition groups to consider how they could make their voices heard within the congress rather than boycotting it, emphasizing that even if political opinions diverge, dialogue can foster compromises that serve common interests. In conclusion, he reiterated that if the Togolese government became an advocate for Africanist reform on the international stage, this would represent a constructive path for African representation, regardless of internal conflicts. He concluded by reiterating his commitment to Pan-Africanist ideals, confident that time will ultimately validate these approaches. Thank you.

 

Conclusion of Augusta Espanya :

Yes, I meant that... let's be clear... the fervor and tenacity with which our brother Gnaka defends and justifies himself show that, despite everything, he is not totally comfortable with participating in this. I almost want to call it a charade—but it's not really a charade. It's a version of Pan-Africanism that these people are defending, which, for me, is not true Pan-Africanism. I diverge somewhat from what our brother Diomaye was saying earlier, who insisted that Pan-Africanism necessarily means the same thing: sovereignty, the liberation of peoples.

Originally, perhaps that was the case—although there were differences and divergences from the very beginning. But let's admit that that was the initial spirit. Today, it is obvious that the Pan-Africanist ideal has been completely perverted by certain individuals, and that many of those who claim to be Pan-Africanists have done nothing to contribute to sovereignty. On the contrary, they remain totally aligned with foreign capital and have done nothing to advance the liberation process that was initiated in the early 1960s. Instead, they remain tied to the former colonizers, who have become today's imperialists.

So, very sincerely, my brother, what I want to say is that this is incompatible—Comrade Raymond said this very clearly—it is absolutely incompatible. For example, if the ruling family in Togo had truly embraced a Pan-African perspective over the past 60 years, it would be evident. Beyond mere declarations, there would be tangible actions in this direction. There would be concrete efforts to implement it, not just symbolic gestures. The problem is that confusion arises when intellectuals, thinkers, and people deeply committed to the Pan-African cause agree to participate in these types of, I would say, charades. Of course, this muddies the waters, confuses things, and it leaves many of our younger brothers and sisters lost and disillusioned. They may ask themselves, "How can this personality, recognized for his commitment to the Pan-African cause, get involved in such initiatives?"

This is what confuses the issue. I think it would be entirely appropriate for some of our brothers and sisters—even those who are intellectuals or prominent figures in the academic world—not to get involved in certain initiatives, because that perpetuates the confusion. So, I think—comrade, my brother—I think of myself as your big sister, and in our best traditions, I give you this advice as your big sister and as someone who has been engaged in this fight for almost 50 years. I am 68 years old, and I have been fighting for the liberation of Africa for most of my life.

I want to conclude by saying that Pan-Africanism is not an abstract concept. It is something tangible, concrete, which must be translated into action. If, after 60 years, we do not see what those who claim to be Pan-Africanists have done to prevent the exodus of young people from Africa, to curb the brain drain, or to stop the wars that ravage our continent—whether open wars like in the DRC or Sudan, or more discreet conflicts on a smaller scale—then what exactly have they done? They have done nothing to provide us with basic needs: water, electricity, schools, health, basic needs, primary needs. Nothing has been done in this regard. How then can they talk to us about Pan-Africanism, comrade? I don't see it, I don't understand it. For us, the unified Pan-African movement goes beyond symposia and meetings. At some point, we need to take practical steps and think about how we are going to build this concrete, material Pan-Africanism, and identify what is stopping us from doing so, because that is the real problem.

It is these neocolonial regimes that are preventing us from building it—otherwise, we would have accomplished it long ago. So this is the perspective we are pursuing and the direction in which we are moving. Thank you.

Work proposal

The creation of a Federal Court on the African Continent.

Loudbery Floor:

In an effort to revitalize and advance the Pan-African movement, I wish to reiterate a proposal I initially introduced during previous panel discussions. To give new impetus to Pan-Africanism on the continent, it is essential to create federal institutions capable of comprehensively addressing issues of justice and governance across national borders.

With this in mind, our team at the SYANSKILTI Institute is working on a proposal for a Federal Court. This institution would have jurisdiction over the entire continent, with the power to address and prosecute transnational crimes that directly impact the well-being of African peoples.

Our proposal involves the development of a basic legal framework, followed by the formalization of a charter defining the Court's powers, operational procedures, and jurisdiction. We envision a Federal Court with the capacity and authority to address justice issues that transcend borders, providing a pan-African solution for the adjudication of serious crimes and human rights violations on the continent.

The creation of such an institution would mark a significant step forward, providing a unified and authoritative platform for justice. Our goal is to ensure that African nations collectively endorse this initiative, thereby enabling the Court to operate as a fully recognized entity across the continent.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Synthesis and Summary by the Conference Moderator: Lazare KIZERBO

Thank you all. I believe the debate has truly been launched here, touching on key points that call for further reflection. I propose that we continue to maintain this space for discussion, even though it is difficult to draw definitive conclusions at this stage. One of the objectives was to gather perspectives on the topics discussed today and to give voice to the positions defended by the various participants.

We recognize that younger, dynamic organizations and charismatic leaders often drive discussions on social media, although many younger voices were not fully represented here. But the dialogue is open, and we invite everyone to continue the conversation and take ownership of the debate. On behalf of our WhatsApp group, we would like to repeat this experience and express our gratitude to Loudbery and his Institute for their logistical assistance in this effort.

A notable point raised is the issue of divisions within political action, a topic that appears even in revolutionary history. In historical movements, such as the Haitian Revolution, divisions were present between leaders such as Dessalines and Toussaint Louverture, with differences of opinion on issues such as land expropriation. Conflicts have always shaped the trajectory of these revolutions. In this regard, it is perhaps unfair to criticize those who wish to participate in summit discussions, as we saw with the intense emotion of Afro-Brazilians recently invited to reconnect with their African heritage.

This spiritual and emotional attachment of the diaspora to Africa can create a different kind of Pan-Africanism—one less influenced by the political conflicts often present on the continent. For many in the diaspora, Africa is “Mother Africa,” and their concern has historically been with communal unity rather than political conflict. This is a notable difference from the tensions often observed between regimes and progressive, revolutionary forces on the continent.

In conclusion, I propose that the organizing committees of future congresses, particularly with the African Union focused on justice and reparations in 2025, ensure that their work also addresses internal reparations. This includes not only addressing the legacy of the transatlantic slave trade, but also acknowledging the long-standing suffering within the continent itself. We could integrate a time for reflection and meditation into these pan-African gatherings to strengthen our collective resolve to break through constraints. It is essential to recall the ethical dimension of our discussions—respect for human rights and human dignity are themes that must resonate across our continent.

Finally, for those interested in joining our One Africa WhatsApp group , please leave your contact information in the chat. We will continue our work on this platform, not as journalists, but as facilitators of this ongoing dialogue. I hope to see continued collaboration in future discussions, particularly on Haiti.

Regarding future logistical arrangements, we are considering using Telegram, which allows for both audio and video recording of discussions, a feature unavailable on WhatsApp. Rest assured, we will continue to nurture this dialogue, driven by our collective tradition of orality. Thank you all for your contributions and commitment to African empowerment. We will continue the discussion outside of this formal setting, and I encourage anyone interested to contact me directly to continue these exchanges.

Thanks again.

 

END.


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Decade of Return to Guinea Bissau May 10-19, 2025

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TAP Flight 1477 from Lisbon to Bissau May 10, 2025

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Decade of Return Group 2, June 2021

This picture and the three pictures below taken by Ken Hawkins during the Decade of Return Group 1 in May 2021.

Decade of Return Group 2, June 2021 in front of the Door of No Return in Cacheu

The above six pictures take by Ken Hawkins during the Decade of Return Group 1, May 2021

Decade of Return Group 2 in Bijagos Islands, June 2021

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AFRICAN DIASPORA 6TH REGION SANKOFA UBUNTU: THE RIGHT-NOW UNIFICATION MOMENT

"the ECOSOCC process appears as the major unifying factor we have been looking for"

- Dr. Tajudeen Abdul Raheem, General-Secretary of the Pan African Movement, Kampala (Uganda) and Co-Director of Justice Africa, April 7, 2005

“This will be a test to see if the Diaspora can work together in one accord to achieve a specific measurable outcome”

-Siphiwe Baleka, after CONSULTATIVE MEETING HELD WITH CHAIR OF WORKING GROUP ON INDIGENOUS POPULATIONS AND MINORITIES IN AFRICA that launched the African Diaspora Assembly Provisional 6th Region Elections, October 22, 2024

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The African Diaspora as the 6th Region of the African Union can only be united when the following legacy organizations agree to form an “Assembly” in 2025 in order to present a United Front and speak with One Voice during the African Union themed year “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations”:

UNIA, EWF, OAAU (RNA), CPAN, AU6thREC, SRDC, AUADS, CABO, SOAD, AU6RUSA, AU6RGlobal, AFRIDU, and ADDI

Since there is no legal framework for the inclusion of the 6th Region’s 20 representatives to take their seats in the AU ECOSOCC 4th General Assembly during the African Union themed year, then the following calendar of events for the first half of the year takes on great significance as it will be the main occasions for the African Diaspora to give meaningful input during the conversations concerning reparations.

March 15: AU ECOSOCC Town Hall Meeting - 

April 14: 4th Session of UN PFPAD

May: ACHPR-AU ECOSOCC Roundtable - CSO Repatriation & Citizenship Reports

May 23-25: TAI/Vatican Reparations Symposium

June: Pan AfricanLawyers Union (PALU) Annual Conference

July AU Mid-term Meeting: - Diaspora Legal Framework

On November 6, 2024, the RESOLUTION IN PREPARATION FOR THE AU THEME FOR 2025 “JUSTICE FOR AFRICANS AND PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT THROUGH REPARATIONS” THROUGH CONSULTATIONS ON AFRO DESCENDANTS, INDIGENOUS/ETHNIC ANCESTRY, REPARATIONS & THE 6TH REGION - ACHPR/Res.616 (LXXXI) 2024 “Urges the African Diaspora organizations to establish an appropriate process for determining modalities for elections and elect twenty (20) CSOs to the AU ECOSOCC General Assembly, in conformity with Article 5 (3) of the States of AU ECOSOCC, and to cooperate with the African Commission, AU ECOSSOC, the AU Member States and other relevant stakeholders to make the AU Theme of the Year 2025 a success.”

It is imperative, if we the people of the 6th Region, wish to have maximum inpact, that we follow the advice given at the 81st Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) to 

“Hold a truly representative gathering of the African Diaspora, hash it out amongst yourself, and come to the Roundtable with your 20 representatives.

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How can we do this when there are so many organizations claiming to be THE representative of the African Diaspora? Let’s review:

UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION (UNIA)

July 15, 1914: UNIA established to United the African Diaspora with the African Continent. In an article entitled "The Negro's Greatest Enemy", published in Current History (September 1923), Marcus Garvey explained the origin of the organization's name:

“Where did the name of the organization come from? It was while speaking to a West Indian Negro who was a passenger with me from Southampton, who was returning home to the West Indies from Basutoland with his Basuto wife, I further learned of the horrors of native life in Africa. He related to me in conversation such horrible and pitiable tales that my heart bled within me. Retiring from the conversation to my cabin, all day and the following night I pondered over the subject matter of that conversation, and at midnight, lying flat on my back, the vision and thought came to me that I should name the organization the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities (Imperial) League. Such a name I thought would embrace the purpose of all black humanity. Thus to the world a name was born, a movement created, and a man became known.”

In 1921, Garvey recorded a message in a New York studio explaining the object of the UNIA.

“Fellow citizens of Africa, I greet you in the name of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League of the World. You may ask, “what organization is that?” It is for me to inform you that the Universal Negro Improvement Association is an organization that seeks to unite, into one solid body, the four hundred million Negroes in the world. To link up the fifty million Negroes in the United States of America, with the twenty million Negroes of the West Indies, the forty million Negroes of South and Central America, with the two hundred and eighty million Negroes of Africa, for the purpose of bettering our industrial, commercial, educational, social, and political conditions.

As you are aware, the world in which we live today is divided into separate race groups and distinct nationalities. Each race and each nationality is endeavoring to work out its own destiny, to the exclusion of other races and other nationalities. We hear the cry of “England for the Englishman,” of “France for the Frenchman,” of “Germany for the German,” of “Ireland for the Irish,” of “Palestine for the Jew,” of “Japan for the Japanese,” of “China for the Chinese.”

We of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are raising the cry of “Africa for the Africans,” those at home and those abroad. There are 400 million Africans in the world who have Negro blood coursing through their veins, and we believe that the time has come to unite these 400 million people toward the one common purpose of bettering their condition.

The great problem of the Negro for the last 500 years has been that of disunity. No one or no organization ever succeeded in uniting the Negro race.

But within the last four years, the Universal Negro Improvement Association has worked wonders. It is bringing together in one fold four million organized Negroes who are scattered in all parts of the world. Here in the 48 States of the American Union, all the West Indies islands, and the countries of South and Central America and Africa. These four million people are working to convert the rest of the four hundred million that are all over the world, and it is for this purpose, that we are asking you to join our land and to do the best you can to help us to bring about an emancipated race.

If anything praiseworthy is to be done, it must be done through unity, and it is for that reason that the Universal Negro Improvement Association calls upon every Negro in the United States to rally to this standard. We want to unite the Negro race in this country. We want every Negro to work for one common object, that of building a nation of his own on the great continent of Africa. That all Negroes all over the world are working for the establishment of a government in Africa means that it will be realized in another few years.

We want the moral and financial support of every Negro to make this dream a possibility. Our race, this organization, has established itself in Nigeria, West Africa, and it endeavors to do all possible to develop that Negro country to become a great industrial and commercial commonwealth.

Pioneers have been sent by this organization to Nigeria, and they are now laying the foundations upon which the four hundred million Negroes of the world will build. If you believe that the Negro has a soul, if you believe that the Negro is a man, if you believe the Negro was endowed with the senses commonly given to other men by the Creator, then you must acknowledge that what other men have done, Negroes can do. We want to build up cities, nations, governments, industries of our own in Africa, so that we will be able to have a chance to rise from the lowest to the highest position in the African Commonwealth. [Source: Marcus Garvey, “Explanation of the Objects of the Universal Negro Improvement Association” (1921), Marcus Garvey and the UNIA Papers Project at the University of California, Los Angeles. Available online via History Matters (http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5124).]”

At the First International Convention of Negro Peoples of the World, held in 1920 at Madison Square Garden the governing body adopted the red, black, and green flag as its ensign, and Rabbi Arnold Ford’s song “Ethiopia” became the “Universal Ethiopian Anthem,” which the UNIA constitution required be sung at every gathering. Following Garvey’s arrest in 1923 orchestrated by the black bourgeoisie’s Garvey Must Go! Campaign - perhaps the greatest case of betrayal and disunity in the history of the African Diaspora -the UNIA lost much of its internal cohesion.

The disunity of treachery of that sabotaged the UNIA has become a curse to the black people in the west. Today, if you google “Universal Negro Improvement Association website”, you get the following two websites:

The Official UNIA is led by The Honorable Senghor J. Baye Elected to 10th President - General. It lists eigteen active “divisions” or chapters in six countries However, https://unia-aclgovernment.com/ also claims to be the “Official” website of the UNIA. It lists Michael Duncan as the 10th President General and Raymond Dugue as the 1st Assistant President General. It also lists eigteen division in six countries.

https://www.unia-acl.org/

https://unia-aclgovernment.com/divisions/

How will the UNIA resolve their internal disunity?

[Siphiwe Note: Towards the end of his life, Marcus Garvey formed th Course on African Philosophy. General Charles L James of Gary Indiana was the valedictorian of the original graduates of Marcus Garvey’s School of African Philosophy in 1937. General Charles James then taught Shaka Barak, founder and President of the Marcus Garvey Institute who then became my teacher and mentor in the late 1990’s]

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ETHIOPIAN WORLD FEDERATION (EWF)

August 25, 1937: EWF established to unite the “Black People of the West”. If you Google the “Ethiopian World Federation”, it shows two websites:

https://ethiopianworldfederation.org/

According to the “Official Website of the Ethiopian World Federation” onAugust 25, 1937 Dr. Melaku E. Bayen merges all pro-Ethiopian organizations into a new Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated with Local #1 International Headquarters in New York.  The Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated adopts Rabbi Ford’s “Ethiopia Awaken” as its Anthem.  Dr. Lorenzo H. King, Pastor of St. Mark’s Methodist Church in Harlem, was elected the Federation’s First President.  The Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated assumed official control of all fund-raising activities in the United States, only a limited percentage of even these modest contributions seems to have reached its proper destination. [Note: Dr. Martin Luther King Sr. was in charge of the Georgia Baptist Convention’s fundraising for Ethiopia at the time]. The Organization was first formed and created to remedy a situation of fraud that existed at time in which certain black “embezelers and racheteers” were attempting to take advantage of African American sympathyfor the Ethiopian people during the war.  These criminals were giving the public the false impression that they were collecting contributions, donations and other funds for Ethiopia’s defense however, they were stealing the monies for their personal gain. On the other hand there were some responsibble individuals, groups and organizations who may have engaged in fauty business practices and mismanaged funds. . . .[However], on February 22, 1996 Ronald Pennycooke, Orville Morris and Albert Smith incorporate two (2) separate entities both with very similar name as the original Federation to mislead and defraud Pro-Ethiopian Black People of America. Their group have been giving the public the false impression that they are the “Federation” and are accused of collecting contributions, donations and other funds for Ethiopia but were actually stealing the monies for their personal gain. . . . These criminals along with their group were taken to Court by Lynval Samuel another individual who is also not a member which resulted in the ultimate chaos because both parties were not members of The Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated in 1937 and had no authority or right to act for or on behalf of the Federation. . . . .

2002 The Lion Of Judah Society and EWF membership verify, authenticate and confirm with the The New York State, Division of Corporations that there are four (4) corporations with a very similar name to The Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated on August 25, 1937 Name which are called:

1. The Ethiopian World Federation Local Number One, Inc. on February 22, 1996 by Ronald Pennycooke, Orville Morris and Albert Smith with DOS Process Address 656 East 53rd St., Brooklyn, NY 11203

2. The Ethiopian World Federation, Local Number One, Incorporated on February 22, 1996 by Ronald Pennycooke, Orville Morris and Albert Smith with DOS Process Address 656 East 53rd St., Brooklyn, NY 11203

3. Ethiopian World Federation Local #10 Inc., Abbatinnant Ethiopia on February 8, 2001 by Ingrid with DOS Process Address 385 Webster Avenue, Rochester, NY 14609

4. The Ethiopian World Federation Local Number 12 Incorporated on April 9, 2001 by Ms. Joan Henry with DOS Process Address 15 Acacia Ave., Hempstead, NY 11550

The Lion Of Judah Society and EWF membership verify, authenticate and confirm with the The California Secretary of State, Division of Corporations that there are three (3) corporations with a very similar name to The Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated on August 25, 1937 Name which are called:

1. The Ethiopian World Federation, Local Number Two, Incorporated Melchizedek Order on April 25, 2000 by Francis Xavier Poleon with DOS Process Address 422 E. 41st Street, Los Angeles, CA 90008

2. The Ethiopian World Federation, Melchizedek Local Number Twenty Three, Incorporated on October 3, 2003 by Carey Toliver with DOS Process Address 4096 Piedmont Ave., #335, Oakland, CA 94611

3. The Ethiopian World Federation Local Number Twenty Five, Incorporated on June 6, 2003 by Jerri Jheto with DOS Process Address 2136 1/2 W. Jefferson Blvd., Los Angeles, CA 90018 and mailing address same as the #1 above.

The Lion Of Judah Society and EWF membership verify, authenticate and confirm verify, authenticate and confirm with the The Pennsylvania Department of State, Division of Corporations that there is one (1) corporation with a very similar name to The Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated on August 25, 1937 Name which is called:

1. The Ethiopian World Federation, Inc. Local9 on August 13, 1999 by Ras Alula Gabre Selassie, Princess Sweda-Key-I-Da R Brisco and Kenneth Nicholson with DOS Process Address 1609 Cecil B Moore, PO Box 42852, Philadelphia, PA 19123

The Lion Of Judah Society and EWF membership verify, authenticate and confirm with the The Washington Secretary of State, Division of Corporations that there is one (1) corporation with a very similar name to The Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated on August 25, 1937 Name which is called:

1. The Ethiopian World Federation Emperor Yekuno Amlak Local Number Sixteen on August 11, 2003
by John Douglas with DOS Process Address 3615 2nd Ave., Apt. A, Seattle, WA 98107

The Lion Of Judah Society and EWF membership verify, authenticate and confirm with the The Virginia State Corporations Commission that there is one (1) corporation with a very similar name to The Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated on August 25, 1937 Name which is called:

1. The Ethiopian World Federation, Melchizedek Order Local Number Eighteen, Incorporated on March 23, 2004 by Bernard Lake, Pauline Morrison, Schannon Chandler, Daniel Allen, Ray Edwards, Nneka Eni and Linwood Fields with DOS Process Address 617 W. 35th Street, Norfolk, VA 23508

2003 The Lion Of Judah Society and EWF membership verify, authenticate and inform the Pro-Ethiopian, Afro-American Communities Worldwide and the general public about Ronald Pennycooke, Orville Morris and Albert Smith as well as the many similarly named entities which they aided and abetted as co-accomplices and co-conspirators in an incorporation scam and scandal in order to continue their illegal activities in the ‘Federation Name’.

In 2003, I became involve with the EWF and by 2004, I was deeply involved in resolving the split between the various factions. See EWF Update, November 2, 2004. Today, there is still

https://theethiopianworldfederation.org/

How will the EWF resolve their internal disunity?

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ORGANIZATION OF AFRO AMERICAN UNITY (OAAU) AND THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF NEW AFRIKA.

June 28, 1964: OAAU Established. On June 28, 1964, six weeks after Malcolm’s return to New York from Africa his previous trip to Africa, he announced the formation of the Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAARU). “It was formed in my living room,” remembers John Henrik Clarke.

“I was the one who got the constitution from the Organization of African Unity in order to model our constitution after it. Malcolm’s joy was that we could match up [our constitution with the African one]; we could find parallels between the African situation and the African-American situation – that plus a whole lot of other things we agreed with that had nothing to do with religion, because we agreed with the basic struggle. We agreed on self-reliance, about what people would have to do, and that an ethnic community was really a small nation and that you need everything within that community that goes into a small nation, including a person who would take care of the labor, the defense, employment, morality, spirituality . . . . “ (David Gallen, As They Knew Him, p.79-80).

At the founding rally of the OAAU, Malcolm X said,

“I–Establishment.

“The Organization of Afro American Unity shall include all people of African descent in the Western Hemisphere, as well as our brothers and sisters on the African continent. Which means anyone of African descent, with African blood, can become a member of the Organization of Afro American Unity, and also any one of our brothers and sisters from the African continent. Because not only it is an organization of Afro American unity meaning that we are trying to unite our people in the West, but it’s an organization of Afro American unity in the sense that we want to unite all of our people who are in North America, South America, and Central America with our people on the African continent. We must unite together in order to go forward together. Africa will not go forward any faster than we will and we will not go forward any faster than Africa will. We have one destiny and we’ve had one past.”

According to Max Stanford on Malcolm X and the Revolutionary Action Movement:

“Malcolm said the purpose of the OAAU was to bring independence to people of African descent in the western hemisphere; first in the United States fighting against enemies by every means necessary. He said the motto of the OAAU was freedom, justice and equality by any means necessary. He said the purpose of the OAAU was to unite all persons of African descent into one united force and when this is done in the western hemisphere to unite with Africans on the motherland on the continent of Africa.”

[Siphiwe Note: Dr YN Kly recorded 80 tapes with Malcolm X that became the basis of The Black Book: The True Political Philosophy of Malcolm X. Not incidentally, Dr. Kly became the Chairman of the Canadian branch of the OAAU. Later, Dr. Y. N. Kly, Dr. Yvonne King and Dr. Charles Knox founded The International Human Rights Association of American Minorities (IHRAAM) as an International NGO in Consultative Status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations since 1993. It was founded in 1985 at The Hague Academy of International Law in the Netherlands by African American law students .  It was incorporated in 1988 in the United States,in 1996 in London, and in 1997 in Canada. In 1997, while living at the Nkrumah Washington Community Learning Center in Chicago, I became a student of Dr. Kly.]

After Malcolm X’s assasination, his followers formed the Malcolm X society and convened the National Black Government Conference in Detroit Michigan and on March 31, 1968, declared the Independenc of the Republic of New Afrika (RNA) and formed its Provisional Government (PGRNA)., thus becoming the successor to Malcolm’s OAAU.

PG-RNA CABINET IN 1968:

1st President: Robert F. Williams (1925-1996) : He was in China 1966 to May 1968; Tanzania, May 1968 to Sept. 1969. 1st Vice President: Gaidi Obadele (Atty. Milton R. Henry) 2nd Vice President: Betty Shabazz (1934-1997) Minister of Information: Imari A. Obadele (Richard Bullock Henry) Minister of Health and Welfare: Queen Mother Moore (1899-1997) Minister of Education: Herman Ferguson Minister of State and Foreign Affairs: William Grant Minister of Defense: H. Rap Brown (now, Jalil Al Amin): He was also Minister of Justice for BPP in May 4, 1968 issue of The Black Panther. Co-Ministers of Culture: Imamu Amiri Baraka (LeRoi Jones), Maulana Karenga and Nana Oserjiman Adefumi Minister of Justice: Joan Franklin Minister of Finance: Raymond Willis Treasurer: Obaboa Owolo (Ed Bradley) Minister without Portfolio or Special Ambassador: Muhammad Ahmed (Maxwell Stanford).

Nkechi Taifa writes in Black Power, Black Lawyer: My Audacious Quest for Justice,

“Brother Imari stressed that we were always a nation, but the formation of the Republic of New Afrika was the first time we sought to create a state structure since the U.S. put down our attempts at self-government during the Civil War. Most people thought that the idea of a state structure was ludicrous because for a long time Black nationalists had only talked about nationhood. ‘However, a nation and a state,’ Brother Imari clarified, ‘are almost the same thing except for two major differences.’ First and foremost, he taught, ‘A nation evolves historically.’ He added, ‘Queen Mother Moore didn’t make us a nation, and neither did the Honarable Elijah Muhammad, or Brother Malcolm X.’

He continued teaching:

‘We know we came from Africa, but from which nation in Africa? Were our ancestors from the Kingdom of Congo, or were they from Ashanti, Dahomey, Angola, Mozambique, or Ghana? We didn’t just come from one particular nation in Africa, but from many different nations. Once we got here, the Europeans made sure that we were separated in order to subjugate us. We were forced to intermingle, so we forgot the languages unique to our particular region. We were forced to speak English in order to communicate with our captors, as well as with each other. The use of the drum as a major form of communication was denied us. Our captors raped our women and they declared that all the children of those sexual assaults were Black.

As some of our ancestors ran away and sought to escape enslavement, they were aided and abetted by Native peoples who knew the lay of the land. Further racial intermingling took place and many Blacks can trace their ancestry to a Cherokkee grandfather or a Seminole grandmother. So for over 200 years,’ Brother Imari continued expounding, ‘we developed as a people and as a nation. A New Afrikan nation. We originated in Africa, but now we have formed a new branch of the Afrikan family, with genes fused from several races, on this side of the Atlantic Ocean. . . . A nation can exist even where there’s not a state. A nation can exist without a government. A nation has all those other things - it’s got people with a common culture. It’s got land and if they don’t occupu that particular land or don’t control it, then you’ve got a liberation struggle on your hands. You’ve got to get control of it.’ “ {Note: here, Imari Obadele is describing both Ethnocide and Ethnogenesis. The miracle of DNA testing did not exist in Imari’s time, but today it allows us to reverse and recovery from the Ethnocide and this does not in anyway negate the ethnogenesis of the New Afrikan]

Nkechi Taifi then continues to describe the onset of the disunity in the RNA:

“There were two major constitutional crises that afflicted the Republic of New Afrika’s Provisional Governemt (PGRNA), neither of wich I was aware of when I joined. They involved what direction the PGRNA would take, and Brother Imari was at the center of both. 

The first calamity was a major disagreement and falling out between the two blood brothers, Imari and Gaidi, in 1969 precipitated by the state violence of the New Bethel attack on the first anniversary of the founding of the RNA. Brother Gaidi favored a political organizing approach in the North as the safest and most viable way to achieve their aims. Brother Imari advocated moving the center of the struggle to the South, beginning the necessary building of ‘New Communities.’

There was, however, an overarching legal issue - the terms of the officers elected in the 1968 RNA founding Convention had expired, and a constitution had yet to be adopted to establish guidelines for succession. As a temporary solution, Gidi advocated holding open elections of new officers in Convention; Brother Imari, however, favored a popularly based approch with regionally based elections.

A special tribunal organized for the issue ruled that an election in convention could only occur if 40% of the electorate was represented. Gaidi disagreed with the decision and he, along with others including Queen Mother Moore, resigned, thereby handing Imari, by default, control over the direction of the government . . . . 

Barley a year after the RNA’s move to Jackson, MS (1970/71) as accounted earlier, eleven RNA workers including its now President Brother Imari, were arrested and imprisoned on bogus murder and conspiracy charges, as well as ‘waging war against the state of Mississippi,’ a scurrilous charge later dropped. But the fact that the RNA President was incarcerated lay at the root of the 2nd Constitutional Crisis that threatened the nascent Provisional Government.

Did the RNA’s Constitution, the Code of Umoja, equate incarceration with incapacitation and, if not, could the President of the Black Nation carry out his duties behind enemy walls? That was the technical basis for the Crisis. Underlying it, however, was continued buzz and heated debate as to whether the establishment of the Provisional Government itself was premature; this time led by Brother Chokwe Lumumba. . . . Before long, however, the seeds of the ideological conflict percolated and grew.

Our Brother President’s seeming vehemence towards leaders such as Brother Chokwe and others who had differences of opinion surprised me. Brother Imari labeled them ‘liquidators’ because, in his words, they were trying to ‘launch a coup to destroy the popularly elected government.’ 

Brother Imari, on the other hand, was characterized by Brother Chokwe and other critics as ‘manipulative’ and ‘dictatorial’,  and probably other adjectives I was not privy to. This was an unfortunate low point in the Movement. . . .

There were now tow Provisional Government operating, each claiming to be legitimate, sanctioned by the Code of Umoja. Brother Imari was the President of one wing of the split, and Dara Abubakari, a former VIce President and close associate of Queen Mother Moore, was Presiden of the other side.

A three-judge tribunal was subsequently convened to resolve the constitutional issue. The Code of Umoja was interpreted to equate imprisonment with incapacity. No one is perfect. Even geniuses have flaws. This when it really became clear to me that onew way or another Brother Imari was going to have his way. He ressurected the long defunct Malcolm X Society, renamed it the Malcolm X Party, and used it as the vehicle to hold the constitutionally mandated 1978 and 1980 National Black Elections. Rev Ishakamusa Barashango was appointed Chairman, Baba El Senzengakulu Zulu was Secretary, and I was always the ‘mover and shaker’ to make things happen and get things done.

The National Black Elections for the officers of the Black Nation was conducted by the Central Committee of the Malcolm X Party in 1978 and Imari Abubakari Obadele was elected President by nearly 1,000 votes through the direct popular elections process as provided for in the Code of Umoja. In all honesty, there were questions in my mind as to the wisdom of our street corner elections where people were ignorant as to officers and judges they were electing and their qualifications for the office. But I admired Brother Imani immensely and respected his position.

So who was the real government? The answer depended on who you asked and whom they were aligned with. This is the reason why today’s internet searches on officers of the RNA are sometimes either vague or inconsitent . . . . 

After much discussion, debate and endless meetings over the course of several years, a reconciliation government was established in 1984, reuniting leaders of the struggle for independence and land in North America into a single, Provisional Government. The unity government operated with a co-presidency in the persons of Brother Imari Obdele and Sister Dara Abubakari.

‘We need unity,’ urged co-President Dara Abubakari, who resided in New Orleans, LA. ‘We need principled unity first, between Black individuals and organizations inside the Nationalist Movement, and also with Black people who have never heard of or thought about us having our own independent nation. This is the only way we’re going to get our freedom!’ she delcared.

Co-President Imari Obadele agreed and pronounced, ‘This is an historic occasion. It is rare that Black groups who go through times of internal and external upheaval can come together in unity and still forge ahead! We are the first to do this and there are major plans in progress for the future.’

It would be dishonest to imply that everything was perfect after the establishment of the Unity Government. As expressed by African anti-colonialist leader, Amilcar Cabral, ‘Tell no lies, claim no easy victories.’ And the Unity Government surely was no easy victory for either side. Emotions were still somewhat tepid but there was a mutual feeling that we would take the high ground, agree to disagree, ad move forward.

Brother Chokwe and others put their energies into forming the New Afrikan People’s Organization as an additional vehicle in the New Afrikan Independence Movement to mobilize the grassroots. The Provisional Government under the presidency of Brother Imar was solidified and elections every three years continued to be held.”

The disunity within the PGRNA reared its ugly head again around 2014 over elections disputes. This escalated to a climax in 2023 that provoked the conveneing of the New Afrikan Peoples’ Convention at which I made a presentation on the plebiscite. The convention nullified the recent fraudulent elections and established an Interim PGRNA that held a special election in March of 2024 to provide continuity of government. I was also appointed as Minister of Foreign Affairs. This has resulted in a split between the impeached former PGRNA Officers and the current PGRNA government the details of which can be read here. Efforts to resolve the two factions are underway.

How will the PGRNA resolve their internal disunity?

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AFRICAN UNION 6TH REGION

December 2002: The Western Hemisphere African Diaspora Forum (WHADN) held in Washington DC between December 17 and 19, 2002 established the WHADN as the “interface” mechanism between the African Union and the African Diaspora in the Western Hemisphere. [Note: WHADN’s mandate expired after 18 months and it is now defucnt]

February 2003: African Union Article 3q Amendment. The AU had designated the creation of several groupings in various parts of the world to educate people about the AU and the Diaspora, to monitor and record how community-based groups organized themselves, and to be a networking resource for all such community-based organizations. Those new groupings were called the Western Hemispheric African Diasporan Network (WHADN) and the European Hemispheric African Diasporan Network (EHADN) primarily in Europe.

July 2004: ECOSOCC Statute Article 5 Section 3

September 12, 2004: Caribbean Pan African Network (CPAN) established at a meeting in Bridgetown Barbados held at the Commission for Pan African Affairs. It was a joint initiative of the Clement Payne Movement of Barbados, the Emancipation Support Committee of Trinidad and Tobago and the African Union. . . . to engage in a formal institutional relationship with the African Union. 

https://www.emancipationtt.com/cpan/ 

March 29, 2005: Interim ECOSOCC in Addis Ababa decides to include Diaspora as voting members. 

December 2005: IRIE/WHADN MoU Establishing the AU 6th Region Education Campaign (AU6thREC)

January 4-10,  2006: AU6thREC/Rastafari All Mansions Summit in Jamaica

March 7, 2006: AU6thREC launched at Howard University.

April 7-8, 2006: AU6thREC/The Pan African ROUNDTABLE/FORUM in Los Angeles - Dr. David Horne of the PAOC joins AU6thREC - The current Town Hall-Caucus method grew out of this meeting, that included community activists from across the USA and  participants from the Caribbean, Central America and the African continent. Shortly after that gathering, the method was validated by electing Representatives in California and in Central America. Currently, it is being used or considered across the United States, in Canada, and in South America. Thus far, it is the only straightforward, practical method being utilized. SRDC ESTABLISHED. 

November 8-15, 2006: AU6thREC/ Rastafari All Mansions Inity Summit in Azania (South Africa)

December 7, 2006: AU6thREC/Cabo 12 Annual Summit (Honduras)

March 31, 2007: NY Elects first 6th Region Representatives: Ras E.S.P. McPhearson (EWF) and Elder A. Lumumba Grant (Harlem Activist) 

March 31, 2007 Election Results for the African Union 6th Region for New York State http://nkwanta.tripod.com/id10.html?fbclid=IwAR1iDPhno6E_rauS7yslYJ1ihaNiwPL8PM9_bjXxxMUEVlMqDW2CLUqCIlY

May 29, 2007: CIDO nullification letter to AU6thREC. Since that time, WHADN and EHADN were disbanded, and organizations such as SRDC (primarily in North America), the Central American Black Organization or CABO (in Central and Latin America), PerAnkh Smai Tawi and CIPN/MIR (in the US Virgin Islands, Guadeloupe, Martinique and the Caribbean), the Middle East African Diaspora Unity Council or MEADUC (Israel and Middle East) and African Union African Diaspora Sixth Region or AUADS (Europe) have picked up the work of organizing at the local and national levels and advocating for the official inclusion of the Diaspora as the Sixth Region.

2007: AUADS established  “The African Union African Diaspora Sixth Region High Council serves as the main governing body for the African Diaspora Sixth Region, to represent the interests and aspirations of the Global African Diaspora.” -  

https://auadshighcouncil.org/about-us/ 

2014: SOAD established. Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz, President-in-Office of the African Union gave a mandate to Dr Louis-Georges Tin, chairperson of the CRAN (the French black coalition), to set up the African Diaspora, to “give substance” to the Sixth Region. . . . 

“You wished to attract our attention about your project that aims to give substance to the 6th region of the African Union(…). The interview I had with you and the information that we collected about your activities gave me the assurance of the major role the CRAN ca  play to contribute to the implementation of the programs of development of our Continent.“ - Since then, with an international team, Dr Louis-Georges Tin has formed a Government . . . In July 2018, during the Summit of the African Union, Dr Louis-Georges Tin launched this initiative : the State of the African Diaspora was born.”  

2019: African Unity Sixth Region USA (AU6RUSA) established by Dr. Queen Blessing Itua, Global Empowerment Ambassador and multi-award-winning Nigerian-American Author. In my blog post The AU 6th Region Diaspora Initiative Is Failing Members of The Diaspora Whose Ancestors Were Enslaved in the United Statesfrom November 2019, I stated,

“About a month ago, I started noticing a lot of Facebook post about the African Diaspora Division from a group called the African Unity Sixth Region USA founded by Dr. Queen Blessing Itua, Global Empowerment Ambassador and multi-award-winning Nigerian-American Author. According to their website,

“The African Unity Sixth Region USA Foundation is the official non-profit organization established to mobilize, galvanize, organize and structure the African Diaspora. . . . The AU6RUSA will engage the African Union through regular consultations with CIDO to review the implementation of the Work Program and to establish new areas for cooperation

AU6RUSA ensures that activities align with the African Union Declaration, legacy projects, flagship projects, agenda 2063 within the Work Program of the AU6RUSA. AU6RUSA will work with the CIDO of the African Union.”

According to their 2021 website,

“The African Unity Sixth Region USA Foundation is the official non-profit organization established to mobilize, galvanize, organize and structure the African Diaspora. . . . “

Accordin to their AU6RUSA-OVERIVEW document,

“Mandate - African Union 6th Region USA Foundation Corporation is the official headquarters of the African Union 6th Region in USA. Our mandate is to mobilize and unify all people of African Descent in USA and to elect representatives for USA in the African Union ECOSOCC Assembly.”

2020: On March 12, 2020, the African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI) was founded by H.E. Ambassador Aricana Chihombori-Quao. According to their website,

“Due to slavery and colonization, Africa and her children on the Continent and abroad are a wounded people and we need healing. ADDI was formed to heal these wounds by reconnecting all people of African Descent with our roots in Africa, The Motherland. We plan to open ADDI offices in all African countries in order to give the African governments easy access to the African Diaspora. Through our extensive database, our hope is that the African governments will gift the African diaspora businesses in collaboration with the businesses on the continent, first right of refusal of all developmental contracts in Africa, national and continental projects.”

In July of 2022, ADDI solicited for delegates to attend what was originally announced as the African Diaspora Pan African Congress and later as the “9th Pan African Congress” to be held in Harare, Zimbabwe from 14-19, 2022 hosted by the Government of Zimbabwe. According to their solicitation for delegates,

“Since the amendment of the AU constitution, it has been brought to our attention the onus has been left to the African Diaspora to organize and collectively, in a united manner present demands to the African Heads of State as to how we wish to organize and formalize the 6th Region in the same way as the other 5 regions on the continent of Africa. . . .The African Diaspora Pan African Congress will primarily focus on the formalization of the 6th Region.

For this reason I reached out to Her Excellency and offered to help her organize her Congress and was appointed as the Coordinator for the PAC8.1. In my outreach to Pan Africanists, I said,

“As my article highlights, there are contradictions and differences within the African Diaspora. However, this is the moment we must exercise our understanding that unity does not require homogeneity, but it does require solidarity of purpose. “

2023: African Unity Sixth Region Global (AU6RG) established Accordint to their website, AU6RG is “as an extension of the African Union, we serve as the ‘Sixth Region’, uniting people of African descent living outside the African continent….” Their Facebook page describes it as “The premier organization representing all people of African descent with a mission to galvanize, mobilize, unite, and structure the African diaspora.” Their August 31, 2023 Facebook post says,

“African Union Sixth Region Global (AU6RG) and the Economic Community of Africa Sixth Region Canada (ECASRC) are headquartered in Toronto, Canada. Each country globally will formulate their own national diaspora branch under the auspices of AU. The African Union 6th Region Global is the official Pan-African umbrella organization for people of African Descent worldwide. Economic Community of African Sixth Region Canada is the national diaspora body for all civil society organizations in Canada as part of the Regional Economic Community of Africa.”

How will the African Union 6th Region resolve their internal disunity?

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THE RIGHT NOW UNIFICATION MOMENT

Siphiwe Baleka, who started the unification movement with the AU6REC back in 2006 attempted to unify the movement again, this time using the occasion of the ECOSOCC Call for Application for Elections into the 4th Permanent General Assembly, that excluded the AU 6th region and left them with no framework or process under the Article 3(q) Amendment that officially, “invite(s) and encourage(s) the full participation of Africans in the Diaspora in the building of the African Union in its capacity as an important part of our Continent.” Bolstered by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights RESOLUTION IN PREPARATION FOR THE AU THEME FOR 2025 “JUSTICE FOR AFRICANS AND PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT THROUGH REPARATIONS” THROUGH CONSULTATIONS ON AFRO DESCENDANTS, INDIGENOUS/ETHNIC ANCESTRY, REPARATIONS & THE 6TH REGION - ACHPR/Res.616 (LXXXI) 2024  that

“Calls on the Chairperson of Working Group on Indigenous Populations/Communities and Minorities in Africa and the Chairperson of ECOSSOC to lead this initiative and co-organize the Roundtable in conjunction with associated mechanisms in the Commission [and} Urges the African Diaspora organizations to establish an appropriate process for determining modalities for elections and elect twenty (20) CSOs to the AU ECOSOCC General Assembly, in conformity with Article 5 (3) of the States of AU ECOSOCC, and to cooperate with the African Commission, AU ECOSSOC, the AU Member States and other relevant stakeholders to make the AU Theme of the Year 2025 a success”

Siphiwe called a Town Hall Meeting to launch the Elections Process for African Diaspora Represetnatives. Immediately SOAD, AFRIDU and the Pan African Council endorsed the campaign. The UNIA and EWF, along with the Global Afrikan Congruss UK also endorsed the campaign. Phllip Springer, CEO of ADDI, promised letters of endorsement from ADDI Barbados, ADDI Caribbean and ADDI Global which were drafted but never delivered. Thus, right after the African Diaspora Assembly Elections campaign was launched, SOAD, AFRIDU, UNIA, EWF had united, and ADDI was on the way. Only CPAN, AUADS and AU6RUSA refused to join while and AU6RG had not been contacted. Then, the campaign was hit with a “cease and desist letter” and a “Siphiwe Must Go!” sabotage campaign led by Barbados Ambassador to CARICOM and CPAN leader David Comissiong and Phillip Springer that caused chaos and further disunity. Nevertheless, after meeting with AU ECOSOCC and scheduling a 6th Region Town Hall meeting for EVERYONE, outreach was made again to Comissiong and CPAN and ADDI CEO Phillip Springer, both of whom rejected the good faith effort. Nevertheless, an African Diaspora 6th Region Emergency Ubuntu Reconciliation Meeting was held on Sunday, March 9 and a 6TH REGION SANKOFA UBUNTU COALITION was agreed to. We now ask everyone to

JOIN THE 6TH REGION SANKOFA UNBUNTU COALITION.

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AFRICAN DIASPORA 6TH REGION UBUNTU COALITION FOR ENGAGING IN THE AU THEME OF THE YEAR

“Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations”

WHEREAS the Heads of States and Governments of the AU, at the 37th Ordinary Assembly of the Union held on 17th – 18th February 2024 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, decided pursuant to Assembly/AU/Dec.884(XXXVII) that the theme of the Year for 2025 will be ‘‘Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations’’; and

WHEREAS The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Commission) meeting in Banjul, The Gambia at its 81st Ordinary Session from 17 October to 6 November 2024 recognized in its ACHPR/Res. 616 (LXXXI) the need to host a Roundtable discussion on Reparations and the African Union 6th Region during the African Union Theme for the Year 2025 - “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent through Reparations”, and called on the Chairperson of Working Group on Indigenous Populations/Communities and Minorities in Africa and the Chairperson of ECOSOCC to lead this initiative and co-organize the Roundtable in conjunction with associated mechanisms in the Commission while it urged the African Diaspora organizations to establish an appropriate process for determining modalities for elections and elect twenty (20) CSOs to the AU ECOSOCC General Assembly, in conformity with Article 5 (3) of the States of AU ECOSOCC, and to cooperate with the African Commission, AU ECOSOCC, the AU Member States and other relevant stakeholders to make the AU Theme of the Year 2025 a success; and

WHEREAS no legal framework for the African Diaspora as the 6th Region of the African Union currently provides for the twenty-representatives to become members of the AU ECOSOCC 4th General Assembly, and thereby leaves the 6th Region without “seats at the table” during the AU themed year; and

WHEREAS this is the THE RIGHT-NOW UNIFICATION MOMENT;

Therefore, we the undersigned, hereby form the AFRICAN DIASPORA 6TH REGION UBUNTU COALITION FOR ENGAGING IN THE AU THEME OF THE YEAR for the purpose of fulfilling the ACHPR Resolution 616 invitation to elect twenty representatives to cooperate with the African Commission, AU ECOSOCC, the AU Member States and other relevant stakeholders to make the AU Theme of the Year 2025 a success. Specifically, the coalition will represent a united front of the African Diaspora 6th Region and present its reparations agenda at the following during the first half of the year and leading up to the African Union mid-term Assembly in July:

April 14: 4th Session of UN PFPAD

May: ACHPR-AU ECOSOCC Roundtable

May 23-25: Vatican Reparations Symposium

June: Pan African Lawyers Union (PALU) Annual Conference

Signed:

  1. Siphiwe Baleka,  Minister of Foreign Affairs, Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika (PGRNA) and President of the Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America (BBHAGSIA)

  2. Fabien Anthony, Pan-African Council, President

  3. Jasmin Rowe , EWF Local #14 Shashemane, President; SOAD Ambassador, JRDC and TTI member

  4. Iman Uqdah Hameen, Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC), Diaspora 126+, African American Association of Ghana (AAAG), Juneteenth Coalition of Greater New Haven, CT (JCGNH), National Juneteenth Observance Foundation (NJOF), African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI), 524 Ghana, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Wikipedia AfroCrowd, Member

  5. Cliff Kuumba, Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC), Board Member

  6. Ronald Jones, ADDI, Member

  7. Charles Thigpen, African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI), Member

  8. Dennisha Rivers,Vision of Life Outreach Ministries, President

  9. Shahid Ali, Afrodescendant Nation, Member

  10. Shaheed Hannah, ADDI, Member

  11. Delvin Hawkins, The Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America, Member

  12. Erika Asamoah, African American Association of Ghana (AAAG) & Ubuntu, Other Executive Officer

  13. Clarence Davidson, Center for Community Advocac, President

  14. Bro.Jami Luqman, Republic of New Afrika Grassroots Mobilization, President

  15. Linda Cowels, Anointed Community Services International, President

  16. Samuel Wilson, State of the African Diaspora (SOAD) Other Executive Officer

  17. Everton Wilson GACuk, Other Executive Officer

  18. Paul Agbo Starconnectdots Ltd, President and Numidoria kingdomMember

  19. Monteria Robinson, Jamarion Robinson Foundation, President

  20. Otis Thomas, T.A.P. Project, President

  21. Azania Heyward-James, The Cornerstone Collective 2020 & Damê Consultants Global, President

  22. Keith Robinson, Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America (BBHAGSIA), Member

  23. Annie Johnson Jones, ADDI, Member

  24. Senghor Baye UNIA-ACL RC2020, Other Executive Officer

  25. Cecile Johnson, African Development Plan, President

  26. Gayon Clarke, United Kingdoms of Ubuntu, Member

  27. Howard McDonald, USA African Diaspora, Member

  28. Jabali Seba, House of Seba, President

  29. Dr. Danly Clive Ebanks, Ebanks Kingdom Of Judah In America,Other Executive Officer

  30. Linda Fannin-Watts, ADDI Member

  31. Kabinda Habre Selassie, Ethiopian World Federation Inc. Shashamane..ET, Vice President

  32. Frank Guto, Kabarak University, Member

  33. Fuscao Panka, Israel Rastafari Foundation, Other Executive Officer

  34. Shernell Blackman, 12 Tribe Isreal (TTI), Member

  35. Tammie Thelwell, Upjamaica, Board Member

  36. Charlene Hannah, Balanta Burassa History and Genealogy Society (BBHAGSIA) Member

  37. Joe Kove-Yaw, KIDS Foundation Inc., Ghana, President

  38. LaShawne Blount, Black Roots, Member

  39. Ras Caleb Appiah-Levi, PanAfrica-Ghana (PAG), President

  40. Robert Lambert, ADDI, Member

  41. Maureen Hamilton, ADDI Other Executive Officer

  42. AYODEJI ANIMASHAUN, EWF LOCAL 49, Other Executive Officer

  43. Minister Lazarus Nazari, Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated, Vice President

  44. Alicia McQueen UKA Bantu Exodus, Member

  45. Dr Lawrence Yawa SOAD, Other

  46. Nana Kwabena Jacques, ADDI ,Member

  47. Claudia Mason, ADDI Member

  48. Perry Mason ADDI, Member

  49. Alexander Frempong, Diaspora Ghana Uited Nation Association, President

  50. Ayaroko Turu, DANS, Other

  51. Berick Mhlanga, Dube Business Enterprise, Other

  52. GAIL MCGEE, Sankofa Vision Collective, Member

  53. Miguel Jesus Michael, One Map Africa Revolution, President

  54. Annette Spence, Ethiopian World Federation Inc., Member

  55. Simphiwe Lawrence Bele, State of Africa Diaspora, Other Executive Officer

  56. Sandra Stapleton, Twelve Tribes of Israel, Member

  57. Sandiata Daniels, African Diaspora 6th Region Ubuntu Organisation, Member

  58. Wolete Gabrael Anderson, THE ETHIOPOAN WORLD FEDERATION INCORPORATED, Other Executive Officer

  59. Wolete Gabra'el Anderson, THE ETHIOPOAN WORLD FEDERATION INCORPORATED, Board Member

  60. Janet Hutchinson, Ghana Caribbean Association, Board Member

  61. Carol Campbell, The EWF Inc., Member, SOAD

  62. H. E Roving Amb. Jockim Bwambale, State of African Diaspora (SOAD), Other Executive Officer

  63. Carl Whyte, Twelve Tribes of Israel, Member

  64. Amma Indee Jordan, The Association For the Revitalization of the Interests and Concerns of Africans (A.F.R.I.C.A.), Historically Unique Group Gh (HUG) and Ghana Caribbean Association (GCA), Member

  65. Joanne Drummond, African American Association Ghana, Member

  66. Ayiko Pure-i-Fyah, The Ethiopian World Federation, Inc London: Local 3, Other Executive Officer

  67. Sonia Conliffe Yakung, Ghana Carribean Association (GCA), Member

  68. Edison Marquez Cortez, Estado de la Diaspora Africana (SOAD) Embajador - MFPA, Other

  69. Tse Anye Kevin, State55 Africa, Vice President

  70. Jackie Nelson, JRDC, Member

  71. Gift Mwenda, State of African diaspora ( SOAD), Other

  72. B. Wilson - Sampson, ADDI, Member

  73. Elisabeth Peter, The EWF Inc. Yemikelakel 7 Martinique, President

  74. Yvonne Pugh, UNIA, Member

  75. Jahlisha Israel RNRC, President

  76. Charles White, Sankofa Vision Collective, Board Member

  77. Ayanda Msweli, Ayanda Msweli Foundation, President

  78. C. DeShola Dawkins, Next Level Vision, Inc. President

  79. Gloria Y.B. Nunyuie, Member of both the AAAG and GCA

  80. Mercy Thandi, AU, Member

  81. Sarfo Kusi, ADDI, Member

  82. Talitha Davis, African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI), Member

  83. Kamm Howard, Reparations United, Other Executive Officer

  84. Mbhengi II Nqobani KaBonginkosi Mhlongo, UbuKhosi BaseLangeni EMhlathuze Foundation, President

  85. JUSTIN NIYIGENA, State of Aftican Diaspora, Other

  86. Samuel Busan Mabunda, State Of African Diaspora, Other

  87. Miguel Jesus Michael, One Map Africa Revolution, President

  88. Prof. Richard Eshun, Global Peace Study for Sustainable Development in Africa, St. Augustine’s University of Tanzania, Member

  89. Kezzman Asamoah Boateng, Ministry of infrastructure, ADDI BF 2024, Member

  90. Levison Malanga, ADDI, Member

  91. Tessa Mason, SOAD,. ADDI, Member

  92. Isa Ibrahiim, Afro Caribbean Association, UK, Other Executive Officer

  93. Shernell Blackman, 12 Tribe Isreal .TTI, Member

  94. Karen Bruce, TWELVE TRIBES OF ISRAEL, Other Executive Officer

  95. Heru Menelik, Universal Negro Imprivement Association, Other Executive Officer

  96. HENRY ESENU, Green Harvest Africa, Other

  97. Kamm Howard, Reparations United, Other Executive Officer

  98. Annejanet Harp, International Women's Council, Vice President

  99. Marc Ras D. Levi Venus, Ethiopian World Federation Incorporated Local 3 London; Nayabinghi Council UK, Other Executive Officer

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A Response to Tadesse Simie Metekia's article, AU ‘Year of Reparations’ should look to the future and the past

A Response to Tadesse Simie Metekia, 

Senior Researcher, Rule of law, ISS Addis Ababa​

AU ‘Year of Reparations’ should look to the future and the past

27 February 2025

Elizabeth LaPensée, Our Grandmothers Carry Water from the Other World (2016). - https://mnartists.walkerart.org/afro-indigenous-futurisms-and-decolonizing-our-minds

“Others contend that development aid, debt relief and foreign investment function as reparations, negating the need for further redress. . . . One way to address these challenges is by expanding the AU theme’s focus, which currently emphasises justice and healing for Africans and Afro-descendants. During implementation, the AU could approach reparations as a forward-looking global agenda aimed at repairing both victims and perpetrators. . . . Former colonial powers that profited from Africa’s suffering carry unresolved moral wounds. Societies built on slavery and colonial exploitation continue to grapple with racism, economic inequality and historical amnesia. Reparative justice offers these nations an opportunity to heal, confront their pasts, and rebuild relationships with African and Afro-descendants.”

- Tadesse Simie Metekia

I recently met Tadesse Metekia during pre-summit events ahead of the 38th Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly of Heads of States and Government. In fact, it was during a breakout session at the Continental Strategy Conference on Justice Through Reparations where we began a discussion on reparations and I introduced the Dum Diversas War Reparations Claim as the holy grail in the Global Afrikan Reparatory Justice Movement’s search for “Africa’s Reparation Claim” and a United African Reparations Front. 

The Dum Diversas War Reparations Claim identifies the Apostolic Edict issued by Pope Nicholas V on June 18, 1452  that gave authority to the King of Portugal to “to invade, conquer, fight, and subjugate” the people living on the Africa continent deemed “enemies of Christ” as the start of what has erroneously been named the “Trans Atlantic Slave Trade”.  I say this because, as José Lingna Nafafé's details in his book Lourenço da Silva Mendonça and the Black Atlantic Abolitionist Movement in the Seventeenth Century, 

“most West Central African historians have taken it as accepted wisdom that slavery was an African practice, and the idea that Africans colluded in Atlantic slavery has never been challenged. Generations of scholars have studied systems of ‘taxation’, ‘wars’, ‘debt’ and ‘legal practices’ without interrogating the Portuguese institution of baculamento, which overrode local practices; instead, blame has been placed on the Angolan institutions. All Angolan soba allies of the Portuguese conquest were obliged to make a payment of 100 enslaved people annually to Portugal. This Portuguese taxation, which was named after the local baculamento practice - a tribute system- profoundly disrupted the Angolan socio-political and legal system and resulted in social upheaval. Communities and their rulers were turned against each other, a new local judicial procedure was imposed that served the interests of the Atlantic slave trade, putting judicial officers in local courts in Angola to adjudicate local cases in their own interest - what Kimbwandende K.B. Fu-Kiau called a turning point in African governance and leadership in West Central Africa. Conquered, and subjected to Portuguese rule, Angolan kings and sobas loyal to the king of Portugal were made subject to annual tax payment in human beings in 1626, thus turning people into a currency. This was particularly the case for Angolan kings, because ‘native’ soldiers were recruited directly from the region where the Portuguese had established control and maintained fairs (markets). 

The Portuguese did not come to Africa and find “slave markets”. That was a Portuguese creation. Thus, the idea that some Africans were willy-nilly complicit in the warfare that resulted in the trafficking of prisoners of war misnamed “slaves” is false. Rather, it was a fact of compelled performance and duress. 

The Dum Diversas Apostolic Edict  launched the military invasion and occupation of the African continent by the monopoly war contract holders -  private merchants from 1518 to 1595, Portugal from 1595 to 1640, the Genoese (Italy) from 1662 to 1671, the Dutch and Portuguese from 1671 to 1701, then France 1701-1713, the British 1713 to 1750 (including her 13 colonies in America), and the Spanish 1765 to 1779 - and resulted in 100 million dead and 12 million trafficked as prisoners-of-war and enslaved in the Americas. The war was concluded by the General Act of the Berlin Conference on West Africa, 26 February 1885.

That’s 158,038 days or 432 years, 8 months and 8 days of war. That was then followed by colonization which lasted until the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) granted on December 14, 1960, another 75 years, 9 months and 18 days. This was followed by neo-colonialism which continues until this day, another 64 years, 2 months and 14 days. In total, that’s 572 years, 8 months and 10 days of war damage since the Dum Diversas declaration of war. 

It should be noted that during the war, the dehumanization process that was used to create human products known by the trademarks “chattel”, “negros”, “blacks” and “slaves” that resulted in ethnocide - the deliberate and systematic destruction of the identity and culture of an ethnic group. This ethnocide continues to this day as evidenced by the fact that with the exception of 800,000 people that have taken the African Ancestry dna test, nearly every descendant of the prisoners of war that were trafficked still do not know their original maternal or paternal ancestral lineage and where they come from on the African continent. Thus the original harm of enslavement, graphically depicted in the movie Roots when Kunte Kinte was whipped into submitting to ethnocide - accepting a “slave” identity and name - continues to the present.

I say all of this in order to make the counterpoint to my new colleague and friend Tadesse Simie Metekia, that when Africa’s Reparation claim is properly framed as War Reparations, or compensation payments made after a war by one side to the other that are intended to cover damage or injury inflicted during a war, then we need not subject ourselves to manipulation by the successor regimes of the enslaving nations who wish to capture the reparations movement, redefine it in the form as debt restructuring, development aid and climate justice which suits their interests. Such a capitulation would shift the burden of paying for those damages to the victims of the Dum Diversas War. Our reparations are not to be used to cover other problems that the international community is responsible for. 

We do not need to acquiesce to such a misstatement of reparations. If reparations is intended as compensation after the war with an aim to repair the dignity of the victims, then reframing reparations in a way that considers, even elevates, the interests and sensitivities of the enslavers continues the very indignity of the victims!

Is “expanding the AU theme’s focus, which currently emphasises justice and healing for Africans and Afro-descendants”  to cater to the “unresolved moral wounds” of the enslaving and colonial powers to heal THEM while absolving and relieving them of the responsibility to pay for both the Dum Diversas War damage and such issues as structural underdevelopment and climate change justice the objective of the major funders of the African Union? After all, those imperialist powers who used slavery, colonialism and neocolonialism as tools of domination  do, in fact, want global development to make it easier for them to freely enjoy the planet. They just want it on their terms, and paying compensation directly to the victims of the Dum Diversas War so that they can exercise self determination, is inimical to the imperialists agenda. Thus, there is an effort, through philanthropy and the use of scientific colonialism, to reframe the reparations narrative and agenda.

The Ashkenazic victims of genocide were not forced to reframe their reparations in order to heal the Nazi perpetrators. Neither were the Japanese victims of America required to take into consideration the development plans and other responsibilities of the United States government. It is an offense to suggest, once again, that the burden of healing others falls on African people at the expense of their own direct interests. Yes, we want the end of the philosophy which holds one race superior and another inferior. Yes we want the end of white supremacy. Yes we want a global order where the color of a man’s skin is of no more significance than the color of his eyes. Yes, we want better race relations. But it is not OUR responsibility to pay for it. 

Yet, the Dum Diversas War Reparations Claim is forward looking. The Apostolic Edict gave the monopoly Asiento war contract holders the right to seize “lands, places, estates, camps and any other possessions, mobile and immobile goods found in all these places and held in whatever name, and held and possessed by the same”. Reparations would therefore require the return of the artifacts and the end to mineral and other resource extraction and recognize Africa's sovereign control of their god-given natural resources. It would empower Africa to determine the future of industrial development since the industrial revolution was made entirely possible by the Dum Diversas Apostolic Edict and the exploitation of African labor and African raw materials. The future, then, would now be largely determined by Africa. This, of course, is the ultimate effect of Reparations.

Finally, the Dum Diversas War Reparations Claim unites all the local, national and regional African and Afro Descendant reparations movements into one united front since it covers the entire 572 years, 8 months and 10 days of war damage suffereed by African people regardless of where they came from or are currently living on the continent or where they were trafficked to and are currently living outside the continent of Africa. It covers both the internal reparations (for example, the obligation of African states to recognize the right of return of the descendants of the prsioners of war and provide them with citizenship) and the external reparations that are owed by all parties working with tthe Asiento monopoly war contract holders.

Thus, it is my hope, that during the African Union’s themed year, “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent through Reparations”, that we remain vigilant in asserting Africa’s Claim based on compensation for the Dum Diversas War damage and effectively resist any new reinterpretation of Africa’s claim.



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AU ECOSOCC and the African Diaspora 6th Region: Reflections on My Crusade While Returning from the 38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of States and Governments of the African Union

"the ECOSOCC process appears as the major unifying factor we have been looking for"

- Dr. Tajudeen Abdul Raheem, General-Secretary of the Pan African Movement, Kampala (Uganda) and Co-Director of Justice Africa, April 7, 2005

“This will be a test to see if the Diaspora can work together in one accord to achieve a specific measurable outcome”

-Siphiwe Baleka, after CONSULTATIVE MEETING HELD WITH CHAIR OF WORKING GROUP ON INDIGENOUS POPULATIONS AND MINORITIES IN AFRICA that launched the African Diaspora Assembly Provisional 6th Region Elections, October 22, 2024

(Note: For those who just want to know what happened with the meeting with AU ECOSOCC in Addis Ababa, scroll down to the section, WHAT HAPPENED AT THE AU ECOSOCC PRE-SUMMIT EVENTS LEADING UP TO THE 38TH ORDINARY SESSION OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE AFRICAN UNION?)

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Dear Friends and Enemies alike. . . . In the spirit of Ubuntu, I greet you all. I have come to understand that the fundamental structure of the Universe is the Unity of Opposites - Heaven and Earth, light and dark, high and low, inhale and exhale, the heart’s expansion and contraction, mother and father - from which I, and all of you, come. By the same token, there must be friends and enemies. However, the unifying principles of Pan Africanism, of Ubuntu, allows me to see that as African people, we are still on the same team even when it doesn’t appear to be so. Sitting on the plane on my way to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia for the 38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Governments of the African Union, twenty-one (21) years after I attended the 1st Extra-Ordinary Summit of the Assembly of the African Union in Addis Ababa on February 3-4, 2003, it occured to me that I should, again, document my thoughts concerning my 6th Region Crusade. I choose this word specifically, since it means “a vigorous campaign for political, social, or religious change”.

I wish to give something of an intimate portrait of my experience as a unique figure in this moment. . . .

Am I a unique figure with something significant to say? Here I wish to begin by sharing an awareness of my calling which compels me to speak now. In the Anu Spiritual System of my ancestors, also called the Egyptian Mysteries, the Initiate had to, among other things, show Evidence of having a mission in life and show Evidence of a call to spiritual Orders or the Priesthood in the Mysteries: the combination of which was equivalent to Prudence or a deep insight and graveness that befitted the faculty of Seership (defined as a person who sees or observes; a person who prophesies future events.). Consider now this discription of Seership:

“a man [Mosiah] that can translate the records; for he has wherewith that he can look, and translate all records that are of ancient date; and it is a gift from God.” The instruments of translation, which Ammon called “interpreters,” could only be used when divinely commissioned. “Whosoever is commanded to look in them,” Ammon taught, “the same is called seer” (Mosiah 8:13).

With this information in mind, Limhi reasoned that “a seer is greater than a prophet” (Mosiah 8:15). Ammon concurred, and explained, 

A seer is a revelator and a prophet also; and a gift which is greater can no man have, except he should possess the power of God, which no man can; yet a man may have great power given him from God. But a seer can know of things which are past, and also of things which are to come, and by them shall all things be revealed, or, rather, shall secret things be made manifest, and hidden things shall come to light, and things which are not known shall be made known by them, and also things shall be made known by them which otherwise could not be known. (Mosiah 8:16–17)

Ammon drew a distinction between prophethood and seership. A prophet, a spokesperson for God, can with divine authority foretell what would, could, or should occur if people behave in certain ways (such as promised blessings for keeping the commandments or promised woes for falling into apostate behavior).1 While each dispensation has great Prophets (capital P) who stand at the head of God’s covenant people or God’s church with priesthood keys, individuals, both men and women, can act as prophets or prophetesses (lowercase P) in their respective lives, families, and ecclesiastical roles (cf. Exodus 15:20; Numbers 11:29; Judges 4:4; Isaiah 8:3; 2 Kings 22:14; Luke 2:36; Acts 11:27; 21:10; Revelation 19:10).

A seer, however, is more than a prophet who pronounces divine judgment or foretells the future. A seer is one who “through faith, might work mighty miracles” by the use of “means” (divine instruments) prepared by God (Mosiah 8:18).2 As Ammon explained, seership is greater than prophethood because a seer unlocks what happened in the past, including mysteries, secrets, obscured teachings, lost scripture, and hidden knowledge. As Limhi acknowledged, the instruments of seership are “doubtless prepared for the purpose of unfolding all such mysteries to the children of men” (Mosiah 8:19). In this way, a seer goes beyond the gifts granted to prophets and is therefore “greater” both regarding power and responsibility.”

Is there evidence that I have a mission in life or a call to spiritual orders or the priesthood in the Mysteries?

Let’s consider and then I will proceed to my report on the events regarding the AU ECOSOCC at the 38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union.

Anyone who wishes to look at the evidence need only go to my website and especially the News and History pages for a complete record and especially read the following:

  1. Learning From The Leaders The Personal Cost of African Liberation: Responsibility, Racial Re-Education, Spiritual Re-Conversion, and Class Suicide for a Holy Order of Commitment

  2. The Black Liberation Movement (BLM), Balanta, Rastafari, and America's Drug War: Chicago Police Attacks on January 27, 1997 and August 6, 1999

  3. EARTH DAY 53: WITCHCRAFT, THE NEW AFRIKAN THREAT TO US NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE MERCY OF DESTINY

  4. Global Afrikan Strategic Reparatory Justice Efforts at the PFPAD, ICJ, and AU - The Board As Seen By Siphiwe Baleka

Meanwhile, my book, From Yale to Rastafari: Letters to My Mom, 1995-1998 documents the start of the mission and call to a spiritual journey, and the five volumes (1,200 pages) of Come Out of Her, My People! 21st Century Black Prophetic Faith and Pan African Diplomacy documents the first five years of that mission from 2002 to 2007. Central to that mission was attending the 1st Extra-Ordinary Summit of the Assembly of the African Union in Addis Ababa and becoming the FOUNDER OF THE AFRICAN UNION 6TH REGION CAMPAIGN.

If a SEER is one who “can translate the records; for he has wherewith that he can look, and translate all records that are of ancient date” and “unlocks what happened in the past, including mysteries, secrets, obscured teachings, lost scripture, and hidden knowledge”, then regarding the African Union 6th Region and Diaspora Initiative, there is clear evidence of documenting and translating “the records” and one should carefully consider The AU 6th Region Diaspora Initiative Is Failing Members of The Diaspora Whose Ancestors Were Enslaved in the United States and The African Union and the African Diaspora - Tracking the AU 6th Region Initiative and the Right to Return Citizenship: A Resource for the 8th Pan African Congress Part 1 in Harare, Zimbabwe.

Finally, it should be noted and understood that it is the Garveyites and the UNIA, RasTafarites, the Ethiopian World Federation (EWF), the Malcomites and the Republic of New Afrika (RNA) out of which came the National Coalition of Black for Reparations in America (NCOBRA) which have the oldest legacy concerning Repatriation, Reparations, Pan Africanism, and working with the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and its successor, the African Union (AU). I have histories and/or mandates from all of them. When I arreived at the African Union the first time in 2003, I was specifically sent by the Rastafari community that had repatriated to the Shashemane Land Grant after having been mentored by Malcom X’s last and greatest student of his political philosophy, Dr. Y.N. Kly (author of THE BLACK BOOK: The True Political Philosophy Of Malcolm X and many others.) as well as Shaka Barak, founder and President of the Marcus Garvey Institute, Former UNIA 3rd Assistant President General and Minister of Education, and one of the last students of General Charles L James of Gary, Indiana who was the first Valedictorian of Marcus Garvey’s Course on African Philosophy which I had completed. I then went as an African Diaspora representative to the 9th Ordinary Session of the African Union “Grand Debate on the Union Government” which resolved that “the ultimate objective of the African Union is the United States of Africa with a Union Government as envisaged by the founding fathers of the Organization of African Unity and, in particular, the visionary leader, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana” and “the importance of involving the African peoples, including Africans in the Diaspora in the processes leading to the formation of the Union Government.” THAT project was taken up by the Pan African Federalist Movement (PAFM) that initiated the Call for the First Pan African Federalist Congress on Thursday February 26, 2015 by Senegalese Pan Africanists, most of whom were companions of Cheikh Anta Diop, Abdoulaye Wade or Leopold Sedar Senghor who were pioneers in the effort to create a viable state of Africans, by Africans and for Africans. The massive response to this call led to the Convening of the Pre-First Pan African Federalist Congress which was held in Accra Ghana, from December 8 to the 13, 2018. This Pre-Congress was attended by more than six hundred Pan Africanists coming from more than 50 countries around the World. I now serve as the President of the International Preparatory Committee of the PAFM Communications Commission.

Thus, when I returned to the African Union twenty-one (21) years later as the Coordinator of the African Diaspora Assembly Provisional 6th Region Elections, I did so as the Head of Communications for the PAFM and as the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika (PGRNA) having already applied to renew the PGRNA’s Observer Status to the African Union and sent briefs advising the African Union’s Legal Reference Group on Reparations. I had served as the Coordinator for the 8th Pan African Congress Part I called by H.E. Arikana Chihombori Quao and was currently serving on NCOBRA’s International Affairs Commission which had invited AU Officials to discuss the AU 2025 Theme of the Year, “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations.” I came with official endorsements from the UNIA, from the Ethiopian World Federation (EWF), the Pan African Council, the Global African Congress UK, and the African Diaspora Union (AFRIDU). These are among the Friends I am addressing. Now it is time to turn to the Enemies.

“In every significant event in history you will find a courageous and determined leader, an inspiring goal or objective, and an adversary who sought to spoil his efforts.”

- -Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie I

So let’s get down to the heart of the matter. At the CONSULTATIVE MEETING HELD WITH CHAIR OF WORKING GROUP ON INDIGENOUS POPULATIONS AND MINORITIES IN AFRICA at the 81st Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, I was advised to

“Hold a truly representative gathering of the African Diaspora, hash it out amongst yourself, and come to the Roundtable with your 20 representatives. Following that, bring a resolution to a 9th PAC to be held in 2025. With the Commission and 9th PAC authority, it will then be brought to the AU Summit.”

It was an impossible task to do in two to three months what the African Diaspora had failed to do in twenty years since the African Union Constitutional Article 3(q) Amendment that officially, “invite(s) and encourage(s) the full participation of Africans in the Diaspora in the building of the African Union in its capacity as an important part of our Continent” and the AU ECOSOCC Statute Article 5 Section 3 instructed ‘"African Diaspora organizations shall establish an appropriate process for determining modalities for elections and elect twenty (20) CSO's to the ECOSOCC General Assembly".

Indeed, many people complained, “What’s the rush? Why must we do this right now?” I tried to explain that 1) a twenty-year effort could hardly be called a ‘rush’; and 2) circumstances dictated the timeline. The ACHPR Resolution 616 afforded us a fast-track opportunity that did not exist before. The short time actually would serve as a catalyst to quickly “hash it our amongst ourselves” and overcome our petty differences and just get to the task at hand of choosing 20 representatives. The way I saw it, Tajudeen was correct, "the ECOSOCC process appears as the major unifying factor we have been looking for" .

And so, on Thursday, November 14th, fifty-five (55) individuals representing the leadership of civil society organisations in the nine sub-regions of the African Union 6th Region attended a Town Hall Zoom Meeting and agreed on a process to elect twenty representatives to the African Union’s Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC). At the 1:00.30 mark of the Town Hall recording, we were warned about “gatekeepers”…. The original Regional Coordinators at that time were,

Brazil: Abemi Ade Sinaimo - Coordinator Natl. Network of Black Women Fight Against Violence

United States: Coordinator: Moriel McClerklin - AFRIDU

Europe: Coordinator: Keturah Amoaka -SOAD

Canada: Coordinator: Janette Lumley - SOAD

Asia & Oceana:Coordinator: TBA

Middle East: Coordinator: Khazriel Ben Yehuda -African Diaspora in Dimona, Israel

South America: Coordinator: TBA

Central America: Coordinator: Roy Guevara Arzu - Honduras MFPA-AL-CH & AFROAMERIXXI

Caribbean: TBA.

Eventually, Princess Eulogia Gordon was added as Deputy Coordinator and then Coordinator for Central America. Phillip Spinger was added as the Coordinator for the Caribbean, Dr Megan-EzeNwanyi was added as the Coordinator for South America and Prince Justin Tanyi was added as the Coordinator for Asia & Oceania. Thus, major groups such as SOAD, AFRIDU and ADDI along with endorsers UNIA and EWF were coming together to lead the campaign. Each Region started a WhatsApp group and the campaign started growing rapidly. This was due in no small part to the effort of the SOAD Vice Prime Minister and the ADDI CEO. Within two weeks there were several hundred people in the WhatsApp Groups. This success prompted me, as the International Coordinator for the Campaign, to write a letter to AU ECOSOCC and inform them of the process. Their response was not, “Hey, this is great. Looks like ya’ll finally doin it and gettin it together. Keep up the good work while we try to get the legal framework approved at the next session of the AU so that whoever you elect can, if they meet the eligibiity requirements, get inaugurated and seated in the ECOSOCC 4th General Assembly as it starts its work!!!!” NO, that was NOT the response we received. Rather, I received a Cease and Desist Letter. From that moment on, Bureaucrats and Gatekeepers Attempted to Sabotage the African Diaspora 6th Region Elections. Very quickly three of the Regional Coordinators - from AFRIDU and SOAD - withdrew from the campaign and had to be replaced. Then, just like Marcus Garvey, who was sabotaged through the “Garvey Must Go!” movement by some prominent members of his own race who were on the same “team” that resuted in BOGUS legal charges, I too was now the subject of a “Siphiwe Must Go!” campaign.

#1 A.Phillip Randolph .
#2 Chandler Owen .
#3 WEB Dubois
#4 Robert Sengstacke Abbott
#5 Julia Pearl Hughes
#6 William Pickens
#7 John E. Nail
#8 Robert Bagnall

#1 David Commisiong, Barbados Ambassador to CARICOM; #2. Phillip Springer, CEO ADDI; #3 Khajdesha Ellis; #4 Queen Velvet; #5 Princess Eulogia Gordon; #6 Dr. Krindikel Truthbey; #7 Angela Sayles (and others).

On November 24, the Caribbean Regional Coordinator for the Caribbean posted a flyer for a Caribbean Town Hall Meeting, to which David Comissiong, the Barbados Ambassador to CARICOM commented, “Really? Surely this is some type of sick comedy show ?” He then led an effort to try and discredit the elections. Following the dismissal of Phillip Springer as the Caribbean Regional Coordinator, Mr. Springer then started parroting Ambassador Comissiong’s position that the campaign had no mandate from the AU ECOSOCC after ardently telling people that it didn’t matter, that we, the diaspora, needed to organize ourselves anyway! This propelled Mr. Springer to intensify his efforts in building a Caribbean and Indigenous Sovereigns Network, which began to take precedence over his duties to the African Diaspora Assembly Provisional 6th Region Elections. Mr. Springer then started a whisper campaign that scared people, claiming that association with the campaign could cause them to be black-balled by the African Union, or worse, subject to legal actions. One by one, people started dropping out of the campaign, reversing the Ubuntu unity that had been built and was growing. Mr Springer was calling nominated candidates and Regional Coordinators and convincing them that the elections campaign was “illegal” and would result in “legal actions.”. In a phone conversation, Naoh Cacique Akyka Baaruco, who was a popular candidate for election in the Caribbean region, confessed to me that Mr. Springer warned him that if he didn’t withdraw from the elections, his various business interests in Africa, facilitated by ADDI, would risk being discontinued.

Marcia Weeks reported the same thing a day or two before I appeared on her show in Barbados. She told me that Mr. Springer called her and warned her about promoting me on her show and that it was dangerous to be spreading misinformation. One by one, my most trusted Regional Coordinators turned on me overnight. Without calling or discussing with me anything, each of them started saying and posting messages and letters with the same thing: “I received a call from some ‘higher authority”. . . . The elections are illegal and fraudulent” and scaring people with the threat of legal actions. This lead to their dismissal.

Others complained that there was no “transparency” even though everything was documented, posted online, and repeatedly published in the WhatsApp group, including ALL the communications between the campaign and AU ECOSOCC. It’s a bit foolish to think that some of these Regional Coordinators who had been serving for a month or longer only heard and saw in Janauary the cease and desist letter from late November. Having created a ton of chaos and confusion immediately before the election, Dr. Krindikel Truthbey brought the “Siphiwe Must Go!” campaign to a climax following the elections when she posted a 32-page bogus document that had the look and feel of some kind of “legal” charge against me, signed and sealed, . . . .

WE CAN NOW EVALUATE THE BEHAVIOR AND ACTIONS OF THOSE PEOPLE WHO WENT AROUND THREATENEING PEOPLE AND SCARING PEOPLE THAT THE AU WAS GOING TO TAKE LEGAL ACTION AGAINST SIPHIWE BALEKA AND THE AFRICAN DIASPORA ASSEMBLY PROVISIONAL 6TH REGION ELECTIONS. YOU KNOW THE TREE BY THE FRUIT IT BEARS.

WHAT HAPPENED AT THE AU ECOSOCC PRE-SUMMIT EVENTS LEADING UP TO THE 38TH ORDINARY SESSION OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE AFRICAN UNION?

Rather than being served, summoned or arrested, I was actually warmly received as a guest of ECOSOCC. So much for the threatened legal action!!!!. The first AU ECOSOCC event took place on February 10th.

During the event, I said this:

Following the session, I was able to meet with several officials of AU ECOSOCC, including the new Presiding Officer. the Head of Programmes, the Head of the Secretariat and the Legal Officer. It was during this meeting when we reached a real understanding of each other. I explained that the cease and desist letter had the effect of destroying the growing Ubuntu unity that was rapidly growing and could have united the African Diaspora. I also sensitized them to the need to meet with the entire 6th Region and provide some guidance. They, in turn and in confidentiality, explained to me what was behind the cease and desist letter (which was written by the legal officer and only signed by the Head of Secretariat) and what the real issues were that caused the Executive Council to recommend further consultations rather than bring it to a vote in the AU General Assembly. An appreciation for each other was developed and there was none of the animosity or threatened legal action that was recklessly promoted by the Siphiwe Must Go! agents. Out of this came the decision, accepted by all, for AU ECOSOCC to host a “Town Hall Meeting”, using the language of the African Diaspora Assembly Provisional 6th Region Elections campaign.

The next day, elected 6th Region Representative Cecile Johnson and I attended the Ampifyng Voices and Building Alliances For Reparatory Justice event, hosted by several civil society organizations and AU ECOSOCC whose officials were in attendance.

After Cecile and I made further interventions, to strengthen our new relationship with AU ECOSOCC, we were invited to attend the the Continental Strategy Meeting centered on the theme of the Year, “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations” held at the Hyatt Regency Hotel on February 12.

During the first breakout session, I was able to work with Makmid Kamara of Reform Initiatives - the very Makmid Kamara I wrote about in my expose on the philanthropic elite caputre of the reparations movement. Makmid received me warmly and we were able to work together throughoutt the session and remainder of the week. Also in that session was Allan Ngari of Human Rights Watch, Ebrima Sall of TrustAfrica and Tadesse Simie Metekia of the Institute of Security Studies. That group affirmed the Dum Diversas War reparations narrative that I presented.

At lunch I was able to continue working with Makmid and Allan, and was later joined by Brian Kagoro of the Open Society Foundation. After lunch, I sat down with the AU ECOSOCC Desk Officer and together, we made good on the AU ECOSOCC Head of Secretariat’s promise to hold a Town Hall Meeting and we set the date for March 15 at 15:00 UTC.

From: Gowtam Raj Chintaram (Dr.) <Chin@africa-union.org>

Date: Wed, Feb 12, 2025 at 11:37 AM

Subject: Townhall on ECOSOCC Diaspora Legal Framework - 15 MARCH 2025

To: balantasociety@gmail.com <balantasociety@gmail.com>

Cc: William Carew , Kyeretwie Osei , Bright Sefah , Lagizaber Bekele, Carol Jilombo

Dear Mr Baleka

Following our meeting and referring to Mr Carew’s announcement for the hosting of a townhall session to shed light on the Diaspora Legal Framework and after the consultations held with your team on the proposed date/time that would be most suitable for our main constituents ; we are pleased to share the link for the townhall session scheduled for Saturday 15th March 2025 ( 1500 UTC) as below

https://zoom.us/j/91579182632?pwd=Fhc0xWdQIjDzeobLyIlPqkmZ0VMGPQ.1

We will work on official flyers/posters for the announcement to be put on our various social media platforms as from next week.

Kind regards

Raj

During the second breakout sessions, Representative Cecile Johnson served as the rapporteur for the Segment II Working Group on Actions and Collaborative Strategies Group C: Education and I provided leadership for Group B: Legal and Political Advocacy. Out of this came an agreement from Group B, which included the Pan African Lawyers Union (PALU) and the African Jurists and Judges Forum (AJJF) and other stakeholders, to make the ACHPR Roundtable scheduled for May a main focal point of our coordinated efforts. I then established the ACHPR Resolution 616 Coordination Group and serve as the administrator for its WhatsApp group.

Representative Cecile Johnson and I made a visit to the Shashemane Land Grant and attended other events, but our mission to meet with AU ECOSOCC was is now fulfilled and we proved the naysayers without proper understanding of what it takes to accomplish goals, build relationships & bridge unity - wrong! Instead, they proceeded with a “Siphiwe Must Go!” sabotage campaign, which failed. Our trip was bigger than US ALL, and rather than be persecuted by AU ECOSOCC, the relationship grew stronger! I am happy to announce that on March 15, 2025, the long awaited meeting between AU ECOSOCC and the entire African Diaspora 6th Region will take place as a result of my crusade.

I will close with the words of my good Comrade who put it this way:

“I don't like that the ECOSOCC Secretariat didn't answer Bro. Siphiwe's question about what was the intention of the ECOSOCC Statutes, Articles 5(3), & cut Siphiwe off because of Siphiwe's sharp,precise, biting & powerful analysis that exposed the marginalization of the African Diaspora at ECOSOCC

I further commend Bro. Siphiwe for highlighting & excellently pointing out that the entire ECOSOCC Conversation(Process) is not/ cannot be legitimate & credible until the African Diaspora 20 Representatives are actually seated!!!✊🏿✊🏿👏🏿👏🏿

My Comrade & Brother Siphiwe never cease to amaze me with his brilliant & powerful intellect & ability to succinctly articulate our key points of contention. He excellently & powerfully addresses a most complex matter & fully captures & highlight it's most essential points in less than 4 1/2 minutes flat. That we "kicking down the door" part seems to be where the ECOSOCC Secretariat realized he was being bum-rushed,that Siphiwe was making him look bad, & he decided he couldn't take any more.

Instead of answering Siphiwe's question of the intention behind the ECOSOCC Statutes 5(3) African Diaspora inclusion, the Secretariat deflected by hurriedly moving to the next speaker & merely commenting he understood the point & hope there will be a process that unpacked it with the level of depth it requires.

While I too hope the contemplated ECOSOCC Town Halls & other processes of consultation & cooperation with the African Diaspora Provisional Assembly gives the required level of depth & discussion, the Secretariat declined Siphiwe's request to then & there quickly discuss his intentions,.... & I personally don't see any reason why he couldn't say a few things about his intentions before moving to the next speaker. But nevertheless, I hope the Secretariat sincere about wanting to fully unpack this matter & cooperate with the African Diaspora to develop a proper 6th Region Framework & have our Representative seated on the ECOSOCC Assembly immediately.

The 6th Region must amplify & powerfully reaffirm what Bro Siphiwe has pointed out, must be loud , vocal & clear to the AU & ECOSOCC officials, that the entire ECOSOCC process / conversation is NOT truly credible or legitimate, until the African Diaspora 20 Reps are Seated!!! ✊🏿✊🏿✊🏿

Free The Land!

Black Power!

Bro. Jami Luqman, Chairman,

Republic of New Afrika Grassroots Mobilization”

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